我们的主公元一千八百六十九年十月十六日，我在马德里，刚从巴伦西亚的大屠杀中走出来。上午 10 点，拉克鲁斯街 (Calle de la Cruz) 的雅格布 (Jacopo) 递给我一份电报：上面写着：“来巴黎处理重要事务。”电报是《纽约先驱报》的年轻经理詹姆斯·戈登·贝内特先生发来的。

我的照片从二楼公寓的墙上掉了下来；我的书和纪念品都装进我的行李箱里，我的衣服被匆匆收集起来，有的洗了一半，有的从晾衣绳上晾了一半，经过几个小时的仓促努力，我的手提箱被捆起来，贴上“巴黎”的标签。

下午 3 点，我上路了，不得不在巴约讷停留几个小时，直到第二天晚上才到达巴黎。我直奔“大饭店”，敲了敲贝内特先生的房门。

“进来吧，”我听到一个声音说。我走进去，发现贝内特先生躺在床上。 “你是谁？”他问。

“我叫斯坦利，”我回答道。

“是啊！坐下;我手头有重要的事要交给你。”

贝内特先生把长袍披在肩上后问道：“你认为利文斯通在哪里？”

“我真的不知道，先生。”

“你认为他还活着吗？”

“他可能是，也可能不是，”我回答道。

“好吧，我认为他还活着，而且可以找到他，我会派你去找他。”

“什么！”我说：“你真的认为我能找到利文斯通医生吗？你的意思是让我去中非吗？”

“是的;我的意思是，你应该去，无论你在哪里，都可以找到他，并获得有关他的任何消息，也许“——深思熟虑地、故意地表达自己——”老人可能需要：——带上足够的东西如果他需要的话，你可以帮助他。当然，你会按照自己的计划行事，做你认为最好的事情——但要找到活石！”

我对派一个人去中非寻找一个我和几乎所有其他人一样都相信已经死了的人的冷静命令感到好奇，“你有没有认真考虑过你可能要承担的巨大费用？”这段短暂的旅程的记述？

“要花多少钱？”他突然问道。

“伯顿和斯皮克前往中非的旅程花费了 3,000 至 5,000 英镑，我担心这不可能低于 2,500 英镑。”

“好吧，我会告诉你你要做什么。现在抽一千英镑；当你用完之后，再抽1000个，当它用完后，再抽1000个，当你完成后，再抽1000个，以此类推；但是，找到利文斯顿。”

对这个命令感到惊讶，但并不困惑——因为我知道贝内特先生一旦下定决心，就不会轻易放弃他的目的——但我想，鉴于这是一个如此庞大的计划，他并没有完全考虑过他自己认为此案的利弊；我说：“我听说，如果你父亲去世，你就会卖掉《先驱报》，从此退休。”

“无论谁告诉你这个说法都是错误的，因为纽约市没有足够的钱来购买《纽约先驱报》。我父亲使它成为一篇伟大的论文，但我的意思是让它变得更伟大。我的意思是，这将是一份真正意义上的报纸。我的意思是，无论付出什么代价，它都会发布世界感兴趣的任何新闻。”

“在那之后，”我说，“我没什么可说的了。你的意思是我直接去非洲寻找利文斯通博士吗？

“不！我希望你们先去参加苏伊士运河的开通仪式，然后再沿尼罗河而上。我听说贝克即将前往上埃及。尽可能地了解他的探险活动，并在上山时尽可能详细地描述游客感兴趣的一切；然后为下埃及写一份实用指南；告诉我们什么值得一看以及如何观看。

“那你还是去耶路撒冷吧；我听说沃伦船长在那里有了一些有趣的发现。然后访问君士坦丁堡，了解赫迪夫和苏丹之间的麻烦。

“那么——让我想想——你不妨去看看克里米亚和那些古老的战场，然后穿过高加索到里海；我听说有一支俄罗斯探险队前往希瓦。从那里你可以经过波斯到达印度；你可以从波斯波利斯写一封有趣的信。

“巴格达就在您前往印度的途中；假设你去了那里，并写了一些有关幼发拉底河谷铁路的文章。然后，当你来到印度时，你可以去利文斯顿。那时您可能会听说利文斯通正在前往桑给巴尔的路上；但如果没有，请进入内部找到他。如果他还活着，尽可能多地了解他的发现；如果你发现他死了，请带上所有可能证明他死了的证据。就这些。晚安，愿上帝与你同在。”

“晚安，先生，”我说，“人性力所能及的事我都会做；当我执行这样的任务时，上帝会与我同在。”

我寄宿在年轻的爱德华·金家里，他在新英格兰名声大噪。他正是那个愿意告诉杂志他正在忙于年轻的贝内特先生正在做的事情以及我必须完成的任务的人。

我本想与他就我此行的可能结果交换意见，但我不敢这样做。尽管我被眼前的艰巨任务所困扰，但我不得不表现得好像只是出现在苏伊士运河上。年轻的金跟着我上了开往马赛的特快列车，在车站我们分手了：他去鲍尔斯的阅览室看报纸——我去中非——谁知道呢？

我去中非之前所做的事情就不用再重述了。

我沿着尼罗河而上，在菲莱见到了贝克探险队的总工程师希金博特姆先生，并阻止了他和一个疯狂的年轻法国人之间的决斗，后者想用手枪与希金博特姆先生战斗，因为那位绅士对他怀有怨恨。戴着土耳其毡帽会被误认为是埃及人。我在耶路撒冷与沃伦上尉进行了交谈，并与一名工程师中士一起下了一个坑，看看所罗门圣殿基石上泰尔工人的痕迹。我与美国常驻公使和美国总领事一起参观了斯坦布尔的清真寺。我手里拿着金莱克的辉煌著作走遍了克里米亚战场，以供参考。我在敖德萨与利普兰迪将军的遗孀共进晚餐。我在特拉比松见到了阿拉伯旅行家帕尔格雷夫，在第比利斯见到了高加索地区总督尼古拉男爵。我在德黑兰时与俄罗斯大使住在一起，无论我到过波斯，我都受到印欧电报公司先生们最热情的欢迎。我效仿许多杰出人物的榜样，在波斯波利的一座纪念碑上写下了我的名字。 1870年XNUMX月，我到达印度。

12 月 6 日，我乘坐“波利”号三桅帆船从孟买航行到毛里求斯。由于“波利”号航行速度较慢，这次航行持续了三十七天。这艘三桅帆船上有一位来自苏格兰利斯的威廉·劳伦斯·法夸尔（William Lawrence Farquhar），担任大副。他是一位出色的航海家，我认为他可能对我有用，所以雇用了他。他的工资从我们离开桑给巴尔前往巴加莫约之日开始计算。由于没有机会直接到达桑给巴尔，我乘船前往塞舌尔。抵达塞舌尔群岛之一的马埃岛三四天后，我很幸运地为自己、威廉·劳伦斯·法夸尔和一名来自耶路撒冷的阿拉伯男孩获得了一条通道，他将在一艘美国捕鲸船上担任翻译，前往桑给巴尔； 1871 年 XNUMX 月 XNUMX 日我们抵达哪个港口。

到目前为止，我已经浏览了我的游记，因为这些与读者无关。他们走过了许多土地，但这本书只是我追寻伟大的非洲旅行家利文斯通的叙述。我承认，这是一种伊卡利亚式的新闻业飞行。有些人甚至称之为堂吉诃德式的；但这是我现在可以反驳的一个词，在读者到达“结束”之前就会看到这一点。

我在这本书中使用了“士兵”这个词。陪同旅行者进入东非的武装护卫队由自由黑人、桑给巴尔本地人或从内陆解放出来的奴隶组成，他们自称“阿斯卡里”，这是一个印度名字，翻译过来的意思是“士兵”。他们像士兵一样武装和装备，尽管他们也像仆人一样工作。但对我来说，称他们为仆人比使用“士兵”这个词更加自命不凡。由于我更习惯称他们为士兵，而不是“我的瓦图玛”（仆人），事实证明，这种习惯很难克服。因此，我允许“士兵”这个词出现，但同时附有道歉。

但必须记住，我正在写一篇关于我自己的冒险和旅行的叙述，在我遇到利文斯通之前，我认为最大的兴趣是关于我自己、我的行军、我的烦恼、我的想法和我的印象。然而，尽管我有时可能会写“我的探险队”或“我的商队”，但这绝不意味着我擅自拥有这项权利。因为必须清楚地理解，这是“《纽约先驱报》探险队”，而我只是由《纽约先驱报》的所有者詹姆斯·戈登·贝内特先生负责指挥它，作为一名受薪雇员。那位先生。

还有一件事；我采用了讲述搜寻故事的叙述形式，因为它似乎比日记形式更有趣，而且我认为，通过这种方式，我可以避免重复的巨大错误，一些旅行者曾因重复而受到严重的批评。批评了。

6 年 1871 月 XNUMX 日早晨，我们航行穿过分隔富饶的桑给巴尔岛和非洲的海峡。这片大陆的高地在黎明的灰色中像一道拉长的阴影一样若隐若现。这座岛屿位于我们的左边，相距仅一英里，随着时间的推移，它一点一点地从雾气缭绕的褶皱中显现出来，直到它最终清晰地升入视野，它的外观就像造物中最美丽的宝石一样美丽。它看起来很低，但并不平坦；岛屿边缘的可可树树冠慵懒而优雅，到处都是平缓的高地，每隔一段时间就能看到一些洼地，表明那些寻求解脱的人可能会在哪里找到凉爽的阴暗处。来自炎热的阳光。除了那条细细的沙线外，深绿色的海水不断地在沙子上滚动，发出低沉的低语和呻吟声，整个岛屿似乎被埋在一层深深的翠绿之下。

海峡的壮丽怀抱中停泊着几艘挂着腹帆的单桅帆船快速进出桑给巴尔湾。向南，在地平线的海平面之上，出现了几艘大船裸露的桅杆，在这些船的东边，是密密麻麻的白色平顶房屋。这是该岛的首府桑给巴尔；很快就发展成为一座相当大而紧凑的城市，具有阿拉伯建筑的所有特征。城市海湾前线的一些最大的房屋上方飘扬着苏丹赛义德·布尔加什的血红色旗帜，以及美国、英国、北德联邦和法国领事馆的旗帜。港口里停着十三艘大船，四艘桑给巴尔战舰、一艘英国战舰“宁芙”号、两艘美国商船、一艘法国商船、一艘葡萄牙商船、两艘英国商船和两艘德国商船，此外还有无数停泊的单桅帆船。来自科摩罗群岛的约翰娜和马约特岛的单桅帆船，来自马斯喀特和卡奇的单桅帆船——印度、波斯湾和桑给巴尔之间的贸易商。

美国领事（前美国海军）弗朗西斯·R·韦伯上尉热情接待了我。如果这位先生没有为我提供如此必要的服务，我一定会屈尊在一家名为“查理之家”的房子里吃住，这家房子的主人是一位法国人，他在当地因窝藏身无分文的流浪者而臭名昭著，并表现出一种善良的精神总是隐藏在如此崎岖的外表下；否则我就不得不把我的双层美国训练帐篷搭在这个热带岛屿的沙滩上，这绝不是一件令人向往的事情。

但韦伯船长提出了一个恰当的建议，把他宽敞舒适的房子变成我自己的房子；享受自己，并要求我提供任何我可能需要的东西，排除了所有不愉快的选择。

在桑给巴尔的一天生活让我彻底意识到自己对非洲人和事物的无知。我想我已经相当透彻地读完了伯顿和斯皮克的著作，因此我已经领悟了我即将从事的工作的意义、全部重要性和宏伟性。但我的估计，例如，基于书本信息的估计，简直是荒谬的，非洲景点的幻想形象很快就消散了，预期的乐趣消失了，所有粗俗的想法开始自行成形。

我漫步穿过这座城市。我的总体印象是，在干净的街区里，弯曲狭窄的小巷，粉刷成白色的房屋，抹灰浆的街道；——看到两边都有凹进的凹室，前景是红巾榕树，还有一棵树。背景是薄薄的棉布、印花布、印花布、家居用品等等；或挤满象牙的地板；或阴暗的角落里堆着一堆未经轧花的松散棉花；或者是陶器、钉子、廉价的 Brummagem 器皿、工具等的商店，在我所说的榕树区；——街道闻起来很浓——事实上，非常恶臭，有冒着热气的黄色和黑色的身体，还有毛茸茸的头，坐在黑人聚居区的简陋小屋门口，聊天、大笑、讨价还价、责骂，空气中弥漫着兽皮、焦油、污物和蔬菜垃圾的混合气味；街道两旁排列着高大、坚固、平顶的房屋巨大的雕花门，带有大黄铜门环，巴布盘腿坐着，注视着通往主人房屋的黑暗入口；一个浅海入口，有一些单桅三角帆船、独木舟、小船，还有一两个奇怪的蒸汽浴缸，它们侧身在潮水刚刚留下的泥海中；欧洲人在傍晚迈着最慵懒的脚步来到一个叫“M'nazi-Moya”、“一棵可可树”的地方，呼吸从海上滑过的甜美空气，而此时白昼即将消逝，红日正在冉冉升起。向西下沉；几座死去的水手的坟墓，他们在抵达这片土地时付出了生命的代价；一座高大的房子，里面住着“中非传教主教”托泽尔博士和他的非洲小学生学校；还有许多其他事情，它们纠缠在一起，我不得不去睡觉，以免我永远无法将阿拉伯人和非洲人的移动图像分开；来自榕树的非洲人；榕树来自印地语；来自欧洲的印地语等等。

桑给巴尔可以说是东非的巴格达、伊斯帕罕、斯坦布尔。这是一个吸引来自非洲内陆象牙贸易商的大市场。柯巴脂、兽皮、兰草、木材和来自非洲的黑奴来到这个市场。巴格达有大型丝绸集市，桑给巴尔有象牙集市；巴格达曾经从事珠宝贸易，桑给巴尔曾经从事柯巴树胶贸易；斯坦布尔进口切尔克斯和格鲁吉亚奴隶；桑给巴尔从 Uhiyow、Ugindo、Ugogo、Unyamwezi 和 Galla 进口黑人美女。

这里的商业模式与所有伊斯兰教国家一样——不，这种模式早在摩西出生之前就已经流行了。阿拉伯人永远不会改变。当他来到这个岛上生活时，他继承了祖先的习俗。他在这里就像在马斯喀特或巴格达一样是一个阿拉伯人。无论他去哪里居住，他都会带着他的后宫、他的宗教信仰、他的长袍、他的衬衫、他的拖鞋和他的匕首。如果他深入非洲，黑人的嘲笑并不能使他改变生活方式。然而这片土地并没有变得东方化；阿拉伯人始终没能改变气氛。这片土地具有半非洲特征；这座城市只是半阿拉伯的。

对于刚到非洲的人来说，桑给巴尔的马斯喀特阿拉伯人是研究对象。他们身上有一种令人钦佩的印象。他们大多都是旅行者。当他们深入中非寻找珍贵的象牙时，他们中几乎没有人没有经历过许多危险的处境。他们的不同经历赋予了他们明显的自力更生、自给自足的气质。他们身上有一种冷静、果断、挑衅、独立的气质，让人不知不觉地赢得了尊重。我经常想，这些人中的一些人所讲述的故事将填满一本充满惊心动魄的冒险的书。

对于混血儿我非常鄙视。他们不黑不白，不善不恶，不值得敬佩，也不值得憎恨。它们在任何时候都是事物；他们总是对伟大的阿拉伯人阿谀奉承，对那些在他们的枷锁下的不幸的人总是残酷的。如果我看到一个悲惨、半饥饿的黑人，我总是会被告知他属于混血种姓。他卑鄙而虚伪，懦弱而卑鄙，奸诈而卑鄙，我总能找到他。他似乎永远准备好屈服并崇拜一个富有的阿拉伯人，但对一个贫穷的黑人奴隶却毫不留情。当他说最多脏话的时候，你可以肯定他撒谎最多，但这种品种在桑给巴尔繁殖最多。

榕树是天生的交易员，是精明的赚钱男人的理想对象。钱就像水从陡坡上流下来一样自然地流进他的口袋。任何良心的痛苦都无法阻止他欺骗他的同胞。他胜过犹太人，而他在市场上唯一的对手是帕西人。阿拉伯人对他来说就是宝贝。看到他用全部的精力、灵魂和体力劳动，只比当地人获得哪怕一丁点钱的优势，这都是值得的。可能当地人有一根象牙，它的重量可能是几个弗拉西拉，但是，尽管秤显示了重量，而且当地人郑重声明它必须超过两个弗拉西拉，但我们的榕树会坚持并发誓当地人知道无论如何，天平都是错误的；他鼓起勇气举起了它——这只是一首歌曲，只不过是一首弗西拉。 “来吧，”他会说，“快点，伙计，拿上钱走你的路吧。你疯了吗？如果当地人犹豫不决，他就会愤怒地尖叫；他推搡他，轻蔑地冷漠地拒绝象牙——从来没有这样无事生非；尽管他让震惊的当地人起身走开，但他从未打算让象牙离开他的店。

在所有其他阶层中，榕树阶层对中非贸易的影响力最大。除了极少数富有的阿拉伯人之外，几乎所有其他商人都遭受高利贷带来的痛苦和惩罚。一位想要前往内陆旅行的商人，无论是为了奴隶、象牙、柯巴树胶还是兰花草，都会向榕树提出预付 5,000 美元，利率为 50%、60% 或 70%。兴趣。无论交易者是否从事有偿投机活动，榕树都足够安全，不会遭受损失。经验丰富的交易者很少会遭受损失，或者即使他不幸遭遇非他自己的行为，他也不会失去信用；在榕树的帮助下，他很容易重新站起来。

为了说明如何管理与内陆地区的贸易，我们假设阿拉伯人用他的商队将价值 5,000 美元的货物运送到内陆地区。 Unyanyembe 的商品价值 10,000 美元；在 Ujiji，它们的价值为 15,000 美元：价格翻了三倍。五个 doti，即 7.50 美元，可以在乌吉吉市场购买一个奴隶，在桑给巴尔可以卖到 30 美元。普通男奴隶的售价为 6 美元，在海岸售价为 25 美元。我们会说他尽其所能购买奴隶——扣除 1,500 美元往返乌吉吉的交通费用——即。 3,500 美元，奴隶——数量为 464 人，每人 7-50 美元——在桑给巴尔将实现 13,920 美元！让我们再次举例说明象牙贸易。一位商人带着 5,000 美元前往乌吉吉，扣除前往乌吉吉和返回桑给巴尔的费用 1,500 美元后，还剩下 3,500 美元的布料和珠子，他用这些钱购买象牙。在乌吉吉，弗西拉象牙的售价为 20 美元，即 35 磅，这样他就可以用 3,500 美元收集 175 颗弗西拉，如果是优质象牙，在桑给巴尔每颗弗西拉价值约 60 美元。商人发现他已经实现了10,500美元的净利润！阿拉伯商人的表现往往比这更好，但他们几乎总是能带来巨大的利润。

桑给巴尔榕树家族的下一个掌权者是伊斯兰教印度人。事实上，在我看来，印度人是否不像榕树人那样邪恶地决心在贸易中作弊，这一直是一个有争议的话题。但是，如果我把手掌让给后者，那也是非常不情愿的。这个印第安部落可以产生许多不合情理的流氓，但他们只能展示一个诚实的商人。塔里亚·托潘（Tarya Topan）是伊斯兰教印地语人，无论是白人还是黑人，红人还是黄人，都是最诚实的人之一。在桑给巴尔的欧洲人中，他已成为诚实和严格商业诚信的谚语。他非常富有，拥有多艘船只和独桅帆船，并且是赛义德·布尔加什议会中的知名人物。塔莉亚有很多孩子，其中两三个已经成年，他像抚养自己一样抚养他们。但塔莉亚只是极少数人的代表。

阿拉伯人、榕树人和伊斯兰教印度人代表了上层和中产阶级。这些阶级拥有庄园、船只和贸易。混血种姓和黑人向这些阶层低头。

构成这个岛上混合人口的第二重要人群是黑人。他们由原住民、瓦萨瓦希里人、索马里人、科摩罗人、万亚姆韦齐人和许多内非部落代表组成。

对于一个想要深入非洲的白人陌生人来说，穿过万亚姆韦齐和瓦萨瓦希里的黑人聚居区是一次最有趣的步行。因为在这里，他开始认识到有必要承认黑人也是人，就像他自己一样，尽管肤色不同。他们有激情和偏见、好恶、同情和反感、品味和感情，这是所有人类本性的共同点。他越早认识到这一事实并相应地调整自己，他在内陆多个种族之间的旅程就会越容易。他的本性越可塑，他的旅行就会越顺利。

虽然我在南方各州的黑人中生活过一段时间，但我接受的教育是北方的，而且我在美国结识了一些黑人，我很自豪地称他们为朋友。因此，我愿意接纳任何具有真正男子气概或任何良好品质的黑人与我建立友谊，甚至与我自己建立兄弟情谊。并因此尊重他，就好像他是我的肤色和种族一样。无论是他的肤色，还是相貌上的任何特殊性，都不应该阻止他和我一起享有作为一个男人所应享有的任何权利。 “这些人——这些来自异教非洲的黑人野蛮人，”我问自己，“有没有使人在同胞中讨人喜欢的品质？这些人——这些野蛮人——能像我一样知恩图报或怨恨吗？”当我走遍他们的住处并观察他们的行为时，这是我的心理问题。需要我说的是，当我看到他们像我自己一样随时准备受到激情、爱和恨的影响时，我感到非常欣慰。即使最敏锐的观察也未能发现他们的本性与我的本性之间有什么巨大差异？

岛上的黑人可能占总人口的三分之二。他们组成了工人阶级，无论是被奴役的还是自由的。那些被奴役的人在地主的种植园、庄园和花园中从事所需的工作，或者从事运输工具的工作，无论是在乡村还是在城市。在城外，人们可能会看到他们头上顶着沉重的负担，尽可能地快乐，不是因为他们受到友善的对待，也不是因为他们的工作很轻松，而是因为他们的天性是快乐和无忧无虑的，因为他们，既没有怀有无法随意满足的快乐和希望，也没有怀有超出其能力范围的野心，因此，他们的希望没有受到阻碍，也没有失望。

在城市里，随时都能听到黑人搬运工成双成对地运送丁香袋、成箱的商品等，从商店到“仓库”，再从“仓库”到海滩，一边唱着歌一种单调的口号，用于互相鼓励，并在他们赤脚拖着脚步穿过街道时引导他们的步伐。不久之后，你可能会很容易地认出这些人是老熟人，因为他们始终如一地唱着他们所采用的曲调。一天中，我多次听到同一对夫妇从领事馆的窗户下走过，说着同样不变的曲调和话语。有些人可能会认为这些歌曲愚蠢而愚蠢，但它们对我有一定的吸引力，而且我认为它们与其他任何东西一样有用，达到它们的预期目的。

桑给巴尔镇位于该岛西南岸，人口近十万；我估计岛上的居民总数不超过二十万，其中包括所有种族。

与该港口进行贸易的外国船只数量最多的是美国船只，主要来自纽约和塞勒姆。美国之后是德国，然后是法国和英国。他们抵达时满载着美国床单、白兰地、火药、步枪、珠子、英国棉花、黄铜线、瓷器和其他物品，离开时则带着象牙、柯巴树胶、丁香、兽皮、贝壳、芝麻、胡椒和其他物品。可可油。

该港口的出口额估计为 3,000,000 美元，从所有国家的进口额为 3,500,000 美元。

居住在桑给巴尔镇的欧美人，要么是政府官员，要么是独立商人，要么是欧美几家大商行的代理人。

桑给巴尔的气候并不是世界上最宜人的。我听到美国人和欧洲人最强烈地谴责它。我还看到近一半的白色蜂群在一天之内就因病而卧床不起。马拉加什的浅水湾散发出有毒的疟疾，未排水的污物、垃圾、内脏、死软体动物、死贱狗、死猫、所有种类的腐肉、未埋葬的人和野兽的遗骸，使桑给巴尔成为最危险的地方。不健康的城市；考虑到它应该是最健康的，大自然已经向人类指出了方法，并且到目前为止已经帮助了人类，统治君主不服从理性的指令是最奇妙的。

桑给巴尔湾呈新月形，其西南角建有城市。桑给巴尔东部几乎完全以入海口马拉加什泻湖为界。它渗透到商加尼角后面或以南至少两百五十码的海域。如果这两百五十码被一条十英尺的沟渠切开，入口稍微加深，桑给巴尔岛就会变成一座岛屿，这对健康和健康来说不会产生什么奇迹！我从未听说过有人提出这样的建议，但令我震惊的是，驻桑给巴尔的外国领事可能会向苏丹建议这项工作，并因此获得使桑给巴尔成为与赤道附近一样健康的居住地的荣誉。但就此而言，我记得美国领事韦伯上尉在我第一次到达时告诉我的话，当时我向他表达了我对那些天生具有欧洲人和美国人所特有的不屈不挠的精力的人的冷漠和惰性的惊讶。充满了白人进步和激动人心的本能，但他们却让自己沦为同族人的苍白幽灵、患有忧郁症的病人、气候致命性的绝望信徒，几乎没有一丝勇敢和不可战胜的精神。统治世界。

“哦，”韦伯船长说，“你很高兴谈论能源和所有类似的事情，但我向你保证，在这个岛上居住了四五年，和这里的人在一起，会让你觉得抵制榜样的影响是一项无望的任务，最有活力的精神都会被榜样的影响所征服，而他们迟早必须及时屈服。当我们第一次来到这里时，我们都精力充沛，勇敢地努力让事情继续下去，就像我们在家里习惯的那样，但我们发现我们把头撞在花岗岩墙上毫无意义。这些家伙——阿拉伯人、榕树人和印度人——你不能通过如此多的责骂和祈祷让他们走得更快，而且在很短的时间内你就会看到与不可征服的人战斗是愚蠢的。要有耐心，别担心，这是我的建议，否则你在这里活不了多久。”

然而，在桑给巴尔，有三四个非常忙碌的人，他们全天都在外面。我认识一个人，一个美国人；我想我听到他的脚在领事馆下面的人行道上快速地拍打着，他欢快的声音响起，“扬博！”他遇到的每一个人；他在桑给巴尔生活了十二年。

我认识另一个人，他是最坚强的苏格兰人之一，是一个举止最和蔼可亲、最不受影响的人，无论他做什么或说什么都是真诚的，他在桑给巴尔生活了几年，受到他所从事的生意的不果断的影响，以及气候的酷热和倦怠，但对于冷漠的桑给巴尔人来说，他的面貌却一如既往地令人生畏。没有人可以指责前印度海军舰长 HC Fraser 冷漠无情。

我可以轻松地证明其他人的行业，但他们都是我的朋友，而且他们都很好。美国、英国、德国和法国的居民一直以礼貌和友善的态度对待我，我永远不会忘记。就整体而言，在世界任何地方都很难找到比这更慷慨或更热情的白人群体。

我对内陆地区完全一无所知，一开始很难知道我需要什么才能进行中非探险。时间也很宝贵，不能将大部分时间用于询问和调查。在这样的情况下，我想，如果伯顿上尉、斯皮克上尉或格兰特上尉这三位绅士中的任何一个能够提供有关这些问题的一些信息，那将是天赐之物。他们专门用了一章来讨论“如何准备中非探险”。那么，本章的目的是讲述我是如何着手的，以便其他追随我的旅行者可以从我的经历中受益。

以下是我晚上在床上翻来覆去时问自己的一些问题：

“需要多少钱？”

“有多少传播者或运营商？

“有多少士兵？”

“多少布料？”

“有多少珠子？”

“多少电线？”

“不同的部落需要什么样的布料？”

我问自己这么多问题，但并没有让我更清楚我想要达到的确切目标。我在几十张纸上潦草写下，做了估算，列出了材料清单，计算了在这么多码的不同种类的布料上留住一百个人一年的成本，等等。我研究了伯顿、斯皮克和格兰特徒然。与内非研究有关的大量地理、民族学和其他信息是可以获得的，但在前往非洲之前所需的有关组织探险的信息却没有在任何书中出现。桑给巴尔的欧洲人对这一点知之甚少。桑给巴尔没有一个白人能够知道一支一百人的军队每天需要多少点才能购买路上一天的食物。事实上，他们也无权知道。但我究竟应该做什么呢？这是一个重大问题。

我决定最好寻找一位从事象牙贸易的阿拉伯商人，或者是刚从内地来的阿拉伯商人。

谢赫·哈希德是桑给巴尔的一位知名人士和富有的人。他亲自派遣了几支商队进入内陆地区，因此必然认识几位到他家来谈论他们的冒险和收获的著名商人。他也是韦伯船长所居住的大房子的主人。此外，他住在将他的房子与领事馆隔开的狭窄街道对面。在所有人中，谢赫·哈希德是需要咨询的人，因此他被邀请到领事馆拜访我。

从灰白胡须、看上去很受人尊敬的酋长那里，我得到了更多关于非洲货币、程序方式、我需要的东西的数量和质量的信息，比我从三个月的有关中非的书籍中获得的信息还要多。从古代酋长介绍给我的其他阿拉伯商人那里，我得到了最有价值的建议和提示，这使我最终能够组织一次远征。

读者必须记住，旅行者只需要足够旅行和探索的东西，物品或手段的过剩对他来说就像供给不足一样致命。正是在这个质量和数量的问题上，旅行者首先要运用自己的判断力和判断力。

我的线人告诉我，对于 10 个人来说，40 多提（即每天 2,000 码的布）就足够食物了。我发现，正确的做法是购买 1,000 点美国床单、650 点 Kaniki 和 4,000 点彩色布料，例如 Barsati，这是 Unyamwezi 最受欢迎的布料；索哈里，摄于乌戈戈； Ismahili、Taujiri、Joho、Shash、Rehani、Jamdani 或 Kunguru-Cutch，蓝色和粉色。这些被认为足够一百个人十二个月的生活。按照这个速度，两年需要 16,000 点 = 2,000 码的美国床单； 8,000 点 = 1,300 码 Kaniki； 5,200 点 = XNUMX 码混合色布料。这对我来说是明确而有价值的信息，除了缺乏一些关于床单、卡尼基和彩色布料质量的建议外，我已经获得了我想要的一切。

与所需布料数量相比，第二重要的是所需珠子的数量和质量。有人告诉我，在内陆一些部落中，珠子取代了布制货币。有一个部落喜欢白色珠子而不是黑色珠子，喜欢棕色珠子而不喜欢黄色珠子，喜欢红色珠子而不喜欢绿色珠子，喜欢绿色珠子而不喜欢白色珠子，等等。因此，在Unyamwezi，红色（sami-sami）珠子很容易被拿走，而所有其他种类的珠子都会被拒绝。黑色（bubu）珠子虽然在乌戈戈是货币，但对于所有其他部落来说毫无价值；蛋珠（sungomazzi）虽然在乌吉吉和乌古哈很有价值，但在所有其他国家都会被拒绝；白色（Merikani）珠子虽然在乌菲帕以及乌萨加拉和乌戈戈的某些地区很不错，但在乌塞古哈和乌科农戈肯定会受到鄙视。既然如此，我就不得不仔细研究，计算一次远征在几个国家可能停留​​的时间，以确保每一种都足够，防止出现过多的情况。例如，伯顿和斯皮克被迫扔掉数百颗毫无价值的珠子。

例如，假设欧洲几个国家都有自己的货币，而没有兑换手段，假设一个人要徒步穿越欧洲，在出发之前，他很容易计算出需要多少天才能到达穿越法国；有多少经过普鲁士、奥地利和俄罗斯，然后计算他每天可能产生的费用。如果费用定为每天一个拿破仑，而他穿越法国的旅程需要三十天，那么往返所需的金额可以适当定为六十个拿破仑，在这种情况下，拿破仑不是普鲁士、奥地利的通货或者俄罗斯，让他背负几千拿破仑黄金的重量是毫无用处的。

我在这一点上的焦虑是最难以忍受的。我一遍又一遍地研究那些难懂的名字和度量，一遍又一遍地欺骗多音节词。希望有一天能够对这些术语给出一个易于理解的定义。我脑子里不停地想着 Mukunguru、Ghulabio、Sungomazzi、Kadunduguru、Mutunda、Samisami、Bubu、Merikani、Hafde、Lunghio-Rega 和 Lakhio 等词，直到我完全发疯了。然而，最后我得出的结论是，如果我将我的需求量计算为 50 khete，即每天 5 Fundo，持续两年，并且如果我只购买 11 个品种，我可能会认为自己足够安全。因此购买了，二十二袋最好的物种被包装并运到韦伯船长的家中，准备运往巴加莫约。

珠子之后是电线问题。经过相当多的麻烦后，我发现 5 号和 6 号——几乎是电报线的粗细——被认为是最适合交易的数字。在非洲，珠子代表铜币，而布则代表银币；在 Tan-ga-ni-ka 以外的国家，金属丝被视为黄金。*我的阿拉伯顾问认为，十个 frasilah（即 350 磅）黄铜丝就足够了。

* 可以看出，我与伯顿上尉的不同之处在于
这个词的拼写，因为我认为字母“y”是多余的。

购买了布料、珠子和金属丝后，我非常自豪地审视了韦伯船长宽敞的储藏室里一排又一排堆放的漂亮的捆包和包裹。然而我的工作并没有结束，而只是开始；有给养、炊具、船只、绳子、麻线、帐篷、驴子、马鞍、袋子、帆布、焦油、针、工具、弹药、枪支、设备、斧头、药品、床上用品、给酋长的礼物——简而言之，数千件尚未购买的东西。与铁石心肠的榕树人、印度人、阿拉伯人和混血儿讨价还价的折磨是最痛苦的。例如，我在桑给巴尔购买了二十二头驴。他们要价 40 美元和 50 美元，我不得不通过无数的争论将其减少到 15 美元或 20 美元，我认为这是一个更高尚的事业。正如我与屁股贩子打交道的经验一样，与小商人打交道也是如此。如果没有百分之五的钱，连一张别针纸都不会被购买。降低要求的价格，当然会损失很多时间和耐心。

收集完驴子后，我发现桑给巴尔没有驮鞍。没有驮鞍的驴根本没有任何用处。我发明了一种马鞍，由我自己和我的白人法夸尔制造，完全由帆布、绳索和棉花制成。

马鞍需要三四块棉布和十匹帆布。为了测试其效率，我自己制作了一个样本鞍座。一头驴被牵来并装上鞍具，负载重达 140 磅。被固定在上面，尽管这只动物——Unyamwezi的野生动物——疯狂地挣扎和站立，但没有一个颗粒被放弃。在这次实验之后，法夸尔开始按照相同的模式再制造二十一个。还购买了羊毛垫来保护动物不被擦伤。也许这里应该提到的是，我制造的这种马鞍的想法首先源自奥塔哥马鞍，该马鞍在阿比西尼亚的英国军队的运输列车中使用。

一个名叫约翰·威廉·肖（John William Shaw）的人向我申请工作，他是英国伦敦人，最近担任美国轮船“内华达”号的三副。虽然他从“内华达”号上退伍相当可疑，但他具备了我所需要的这样一个人的所有要求，并且是一位经验丰富的手掌和针手，可以切割帆布以适应任何东西，是一位相当出色的航海家，就他的职业而言，我认为没有理由拒绝他的服务，因此他的年薪为 300 美元，排名第二，仅次于威廉·L·法夸尔。法夸尔是一位资本航海家和优秀的数学家；强壮、精力充沛、聪明。

我要做的下一件事是招募、武装和装备一支由二十人组成的忠实护卫队，上路。美国领事馆的首席译员乔哈里告诉我，他知道斯皮克的某些“信徒”还没有被发现。我以前就想到过，如果我能得到一些熟悉白人生活方式的人的帮助，并且他们能够说服其他好人加入我正在组织的探险队，我可能会认为自己很幸运。更特别的是，我想到了西迪·姆巴拉克·蒙贝（Seedy Mbarak Mombay），通常被称为“孟买”，尽管他的头“木头”，双手“笨拙”，但被认为是“忠实者”中的“最忠实者”。

在译员乔哈里的帮助下，我在几个小时内就找到了乌莱迪（格兰特船长的前贴身男仆）、乌里门戈、巴鲁蒂、安巴里、马布鲁基（Muinyi Mabruki——牛头马布鲁基，伯顿上尉的前不快乐贴身男仆）的服务——斯皮克的五个“忠实信徒”。当我问他们是否愿意加入另一个白人对乌吉吉的探险队时，他们很爽快地回答说他们愿意加入“斯皮克”的任何兄弟。当时在场的女王陛下驻桑给巴尔领事约翰·柯克博士告诉他们，虽然我不是“斯皮克”的兄弟，但我会说他的语言。这种区别对他们来说并不重要：我听到他们非常高兴地宣布他们愿意和我一起去任何地方，或者做我想做的任何事情。

人们称他为“孟买”，或者我们所知道的“孟买”，他去了桑给巴尔以北的奔巴岛。乌勒迪确信蒙贝会因另一次探险的前景而高兴得跳起来。因此，佐哈里受命在奔巴岛写信给他，告知他即将迎来的好运。

信寄出后的第四天早上，著名的孟买出现了，后面是“斯皮克”的“忠实信徒”，他们以良好的秩序和应有的地位跟随。我徒劳地寻找他的前任主人赋予他的“木头”和“鳄鱼牙”。我看见一个五十岁左右的瘦小矮个男人，头发花白，额头异常高而窄，嘴巴很大，牙齿排列得很不规则，间隔很宽。当乌干达斯皮克船长的耐心耗尽时，孟买的上前排牙齿被紧握的拳头造成了一道丑陋的裂痕，必须立即进行惩罚。斯皮克上尉对他的善意宠坏了，从孟买竟然敢与他进行拳击比赛这一事实来看，这一点就显而易见了。但这些事情我是在几个月后，当我被要求亲自惩罚他时才知道的。但是，在他第一次出现时，我对孟买印象很好，尽管他的脸凹凸不平，嘴巴大，眼睛小，鼻子扁平。

“Salaam aliekum”是他向我打招呼的话语。 “祝你好运。”我竭尽全力回答道。然后我告诉他我需要他作为我前往乌吉吉的士兵的队长。他的答复是，他愿意做我告诉他的任何事情，总之，我想去哪里就去哪里，成为仆人的榜样，成为士兵的榜样。他希望我能给他一套制服和一把好枪，这两样我都答应了。

在询问了陪同斯皮克进入埃及的其他“信徒”后，我得知在桑给巴尔只有六人。 Ferrajji、Maktub、Sadik、Sunguru、Manyu、Matajari、Mkata 和 Almas 均已死亡； Uledi 和 Mtamani 在 Unyanyembe；哈桑去了基尔瓦，费拉汉应该在乌吉吉。

六位“忠实信徒”中的每一位仍然保留着协助“发现尼罗河源头”的奖章，其中一位，可怜的马布鲁基，遭遇了悲惨的不幸，我担心这会让他丧失积极的作用。

“牛头”马布鲁基（Mabruki）拥有一座 shamba（或一座附有花园的房子），他对此感到非常自豪。他附近住着一位情况类似的邻居，他是赛义德·马吉德的一名士兵，性情好争吵的马布鲁基与他有不和，最终这名士兵怂恿两三个战友协助他惩罚他。恶毒的马布鲁基，而这样做的方式只有非洲人的心才能想象。他们用手腕将这个不幸的家伙绑在树枝上，在折磨他的过程中满足了复仇的残酷欲望后，让他以这种姿势吊了两天。第二天期满时，他意外地被发现处于极其可怜的状态。他的双手已经肿得很大，一只手的青筋已经断裂，已经失去了作用。不用说，当这件事传到赛义德·马吉德耳中时，不法分子受到了严厉的惩罚。照顾这个可怜人的柯克医生成功地将一只手恢复到与以前相似的形状，但另一只手却不幸受损，它以前的用处永远消失了。

然而，我还是聘请了马布鲁基，尽管他的双手畸形、丑陋且虚荣，因为他是斯皮克的“忠实信徒”之一。因为只要他愿意为我服务，睁大眼睛，在适当的时候张开嘴，我就可以让他变得有用。

我的护航队长孟买成功地招募了另外 18 名自由人自愿成为“阿斯卡里”（士兵），他知道这些人不会开小差，并宣布自己对他们负责。他们是一群外表极其英俊的男人，外表上比我想象的非洲野蛮人聪明得多。他们主要来自乌希尤夫，其他人来自乌尼亚姆韦齐，还有一些来自乌塞古哈和乌金多。

他们的工资定为每人每年 36 美元，即每月 3 美元。每位士兵都配备了一支燧发枪、火药角、子弹袋、刀和斧头，此外还有足够200发子弹的火药和子弹。

孟买考虑到他的军衔，以及以前对伯顿、斯皮克和格兰特的忠诚服务，以每年 80 美元的价格订婚，预付一半的金额，一支好的枪口装弹步枪，此外，还提供手枪、刀和斧头对他来说，其他五位“忠实者”，安巴里、马布鲁基、乌利门戈、巴鲁蒂和乌莱迪，每年缴纳 40 美元的费用，并拥有适当的士兵装备。

在相当深入地研究了所有关于东非和中非的东非旅行家书籍后，我的头脑已经设想了在我寻找利文斯通博士的过程中会遇到的困难。

消除所有这些，以及人类智慧所能暗示的，是我始终如一的想法和目标。

“当我从乌吉吉眺望坦噶尼喀湖的湖水对岸时，我是否会因为卡内纳国王的傲慢或哈米德·本·苏莱亚姆的反复无常而在成功的门槛上犹豫不决？”这是我问自己的一个问题。为了防范这种意外情况，我决定自己扛船。 “那么，”我想，“如果我听说利文斯通在坦噶尼喀号上，我就可以开船追赶他了。”

我从美国领事那里花了80美元买了一艘大船，可以载40人，并配备了足以进行一次巡游的补给和货物，又从另一位美国绅士那里花了XNUMX美元买了一艘较小的船。后者可以舒适地容纳六人，并有合适的商店。

我并不打算将整艘船或整个船运走，而是把它们的木板剥掉，只运木料和横木。作为木板的替代品，我建议用涂有柏油的双层帆布皮覆盖每艘船。剥去它们并将它们撕成碎片的工作就落到了我的身上。这个小工作占用了我五天的时间。

我还把它们打包起来，送给报纸。每件货物都经过仔细称重，没有超过 68 磅。在重量上。约翰·肖 (John Shaw) 在帆布船上展示的工艺方面表现出色。完成后，他们的镜框安装得非常好。画布是六匹英国大麻，编号 3，是从卢达·达姆吉 (Ludha Damji) 那里采购的，他是从苏丹的储藏室提供这幅画的。

非洲快速运输的一个不可克服的障碍是缺乏航母，而速度是我指挥下的远征队的主要目标，我的职责就是尽可能减少这个困难。我的航母只有在抵达大陆的巴加莫约后才能投入使用。我准备了二十多头好驴，我认为一辆适合非洲人行道的马车可能会是一个优势。因此，我建造了一辆十八英寸宽、五英尺长的推车，配有轻型美国马车的两个前轮，更多是为了运送狭窄的弹药箱。我估计，如果一头驴可以驮 140 个 frasilah（即 XNUMX 磅）到 Unyanyembe，那么他应该能够在这样的车上拉 XNUMX 个 frasilah，这相当于 XNUMX 个粗壮的 pagazis 或运输车的承载能力。事实将会证明，我的理论是如何被实践所证实的。

当我买完后，我看到它们堆积起来，一层又一层，一排又一排，这里是一堆炊具，那里是一捆捆的绳子，帐篷，马鞍，一堆手提包和盒子，里面装着所有能想象到的东西，我承认我对自己的鲁莽感到相当羞愧。这里至少有六吨材料！ “怎么可能，”我想，“将所有这些惰性物质运送到非洲海洋和大湖之间的荒野上？呸，扔掉所有的疑虑吧，伙计，然后去解决它们吧！ ‘今日之恶足矣’，无需借用明天。”

旅行者必须以一种与他在其他国家习惯的方式截然不同的方式进入非洲内陆。他要求随身携带一艘船在进行长途航行时必须具备的东西。他必须有他的污水箱、他那一小堆罐头食品和药品，除此之外，他还必须有足够的枪、火药和球，以便在必要时能够进行一系列精彩的战斗。他必须有人来运送这些杂物；由于一个人的最大负载不超过 70 磅，因此可输送 11,000 磅。需要近160人。

与非洲相比，欧洲和东方，甚至阿拉伯和土耳其斯坦都有皇家的旅行方式。所有这些国家都接受硬币，旅行者可以通过硬币随身携带他的财物。然而，东非和中非需要一条项链，而不是一分钱；两码的美国床单代替了半美元或一弗罗林，还有一根厚铜丝的基丁迪代替了金币。

非洲旅行者既不能租用马车，也不能租用骆驼，也不能租用马或骡子，带他进入内陆地区。他的交通工具仅限于黑人和裸体男人，每人每 15 磅至少要价 70 美元。重量只能运到Unyanyembe。

其中，我的前任遗漏了一件事情，那就是，任何旅行者都不应想到带着金币以外的任何其他形式的钱来桑给巴尔，这一点很重要。我发现信用证、通票之类的文明事物比桑给巴尔人领先了一个世纪。

从我在纸上画的每一美元中扣除二十和二十五美分是我永久记忆中最不愉快的事情之一，如果不是最不愉快的事情之一。桑给巴尔远离欧洲所有商业渠道，硬币的溢价很高。一个人可能会说话和恳求，但尽管他可能有汇票、支票、通票、信用证、全权委托来得到他想要的东西，但从每一美元中必须扣除二十、二十五和三十美分，所以有人告诉我，我的经历也是如此。可惜这里没有分行！

我原本打算微服私访非洲。但是，一名白人，甚至是美国人，即将进入非洲的事实很快就传遍了桑给巴尔。这个事实在街上被重复了一千遍，在所有商店的凹室和海关都被宣告了。当地的集市抓住了它，日日夜夜地搅动它，直到我离开。外国人，包括欧洲人，都想知道我的出入利弊。

我对所有相关和不恰当的问题的回答是，我要去非洲。虽然我的卡片上写着

________________________________________
| |
|亨利·斯坦利。 |
| |
| |
|纽约先驱报。 |
|________________________________________|

我相信很少有人将“纽约先驱报”与“利文斯通医生”搜索联系起来。这不是我的错，是吗？

啊，我！一个人去探险是多么辛苦啊！在烈日的炙烤下，从一家商店匆匆赶到另一家商店，在与面色铁青的印地人讨价还价的比赛中，用深远而持久的耐心增强自己，鼓起勇气和智慧威吓邪恶的果阿人，以及与狡猾的榕树相匹配，整天滔滔不绝地说话，纠正估计，编造账目，监督购买的物品的交付，测量和称重它们，以确保所有东西都符合尺寸和重量，监督白人法夸尔和肖，他们当一天结束时，我觉得，当我们忙着为这次探险准备驴鞍、帆、帐篷和船只时，似乎四肢和大脑都值得休息。这样的劳动我坚持了一个月。

与詹姆斯·戈登·贝内特先生以数千美元的汇票交换布料、珠子、电线、驴子和一千种必需品，向白人和远征队的黑人护卫预支工资，让韦伯上尉感到烦恼和他的家人在准备的喧闹声中已经足够了，他的房子里装满了我的货物，没有什么可做的，除了在出发前向欧洲人正式道别，并感谢苏丹和那些帮助我的先生们对于巴加莫约。

在我离开桑给巴尔的前一天，美国领事刚刚穿上黑色外套，并额外多带了一顶黑色帽子，以便穿着正式服装，与我一起前往苏丹宫殿。王子对我很慷慨。他送给我一匹阿拉伯马，向我提供了他的代理人、主要部下和内地代表的介绍信，并以许多其他方式表明了他对我的好感。

宫殿是一座靠近堡垒的大而宽敞、高耸的方形房屋，由珊瑚建造，并涂有厚厚的石灰砂浆。从外观上看，它一半是阿拉伯血统，一半是意大利血统。百叶窗是百叶窗，漆成鲜艳的绿色，与白色的墙壁形成鲜明对比。在那扇巨大的、高耸的、宽阔的大门前，有几个俾路支人和波斯雇佣兵排列成两个新月形，他们装备着弯刀和犀牛皮制成的靶子。他们的衣服是一件泥白色的棉质衬衫，长及脚踝，腰间系着一条镶满银色凸纹的皮带。

当我们看到时，一个信号被传递给入口内的某个人。距离门不到二十码时，站在门口等待的苏丹走下台阶，穿过队伍，向我们走来，伸出右手，脸上挂着亲切的欢迎微笑。我们这边也举起帽子，和他握了握手，然后按照他的吩咐向前走，来到了靠近大门的最高的台阶上。他指着前方；我们鞠了一躬，来到了一个未粉刷的狭窄楼梯脚下，再次转向苏丹。我发现，领事正在侧身上升，我认为这种前进方式是为了在体面和尊严方面做出妥协。我们在楼梯顶上等待着，面朝即将到来的王子。我们再次被慷慨地挥手向前，因为我们面前是接待厅和王座室。当我走到最远的尽头时，我注意到房间很高，漆成阿拉伯风格，地毯很厚，是波斯织物的，家具由十几把镀金椅子和一盏枝形吊灯组成，

我们坐下了；卢达·达姆吉（Ludha Damji）是海关的榕树税吏，他是一位面貌庄重的老人，有着一张精明聪明的脸，坐在苏丹的右边。坐在他旁边的是伟大的伊斯兰教商人塔里亚·托潘（Tarya Topan），他前来参加会见，不仅因为他是殿下的顾问之一，而且因为他对这次美国远征也抱有浓厚的兴趣。卢达对面坐着韦伯上尉，我坐在他旁边，对面是塔莉亚·托潘。苏丹坐在美国人和议员之间的镀金椅子上。译员乔哈里谦卑地站在苏丹面前，满怀期待并准备好解释我们要向王子传达的信息。

就服饰而言，苏丹可能会被视为一位明格勒派绅士，事实上，头巾除外，头巾周围有红色、黄色、棕色和白色交替颜色的丰富褶皱，环绕着他的头部。他穿着黑布长袍，腰间系着华丽的剑带，剑带上悬着一把金柄弯刀，刀鞘里也镶着金子：他的腿和脚都光着，看上去很笨重。关于他们，因为他患有桑给巴尔的一种奇怪的诅咒——象皮病。他的脚穿上一双瓦塔（阿拉伯语，拖鞋的意思），鞋底很厚，脚背上有一条结实的皮革带。他肤色白皙，五官端正，聪明而端正，显示出阿拉伯贵族的气质。然而，它们除了表明他的高贵血统和血统之外，什么也没有表明。除非有一丝和蔼可亲，并对自己和周围的一切感到完全满意，否则没有任何性格特征是可见的。

这就是桑给巴尔和奔巴岛以及非洲东海岸，从索马里到莫桑比克的普林斯（Prince）或赛义德·布尔加什（Seyd Burghash）苏丹，正如他在我看来的那样。

咖啡盛在杯子里，杯子里放着金色的finjans，还有一些可可坚果奶和浓郁的甜果子露。

谈话从向领事提出的问题开始。

“你好吗？”

领事——“是的，谢谢。殿下怎么样了？”

殿下——“很好！”

殿下对我说：“你还好吗？”

回答：“很好，谢谢！”

领事现在介绍业务；殿下提出了有关我旅行的问题——

“你喜欢波斯吗？”

“你见过克尔贝拉、巴格达、马斯尔、斯坦布尔吗？”

“土耳其人有很多士兵吗？”

“波斯有多少个？”

“波斯土地肥沃吗？”

“你觉得桑给巴尔怎么样？”

在回答了殿下满意的每个问题后，他向我递交了给他在巴加莫约和考勒的军官的介绍信，以及给我在路上可能遇到的所有阿拉伯商人的一般介绍信，最后他对我的讲话如下：表达了希望，无论我执行什么任务，我都应该取得圆满成功。

我们在他面前鞠躬，就像我们在他陪同我们走向大门时鞠躬一样。

塞勒姆的古德休先生是一位长期居住在桑给巴尔的美国商人，在我向他告别时，他送给我一匹从好望角进口的纯种海湾马，至少在桑给巴尔价值 500 美元。

4月4日——到XNUMX月XNUMX日，距离我到达桑给巴尔二十八天，“纽约先驱报”探险队的组织和装备已经完成；帐篷和马鞍已经制造完毕，船只和帆也准备好了。驴子嘶叫着，马儿不耐烦地嘶鸣着上路。

礼节要求我再次向驻桑给巴尔的欧美领事们出示我的名片，并向所有人说了“告别”一词。

第五天，四艘单桅帆船停泊在美国领事馆前。其中一辆载着两匹马，另外两辆载着驴子，第四辆载着最大的黑色护卫队，还有远征队的大量金钱。

临近中午，我们启航了。美国国旗是那位善良的韦伯夫人送给探险队的礼物，它被升到了桅杆顶；领事、他的夫人和活泼的小孩子玛丽和查理在屋顶上挥舞着星星旗帜、帽子和手帕，向我和我的告别。人幸福了，就好了！愿他们的道路和我们的道路繁荣昌盛，愿上帝祝福我们大家！

桑给巴尔岛，有可可果、芒果、丁香和肉桂的树林，还有春比岛和法兰西岛的哨兵小岛，还有粉刷成白色的城市和菠萝蜜的气味，还有港口和驶过深海的船只，慢慢地褪色了。从视野中，向西看，非洲大陆升起，一片绿色的堤岸与刚刚退去的堤岸相似，直到地平线上方只剩下一条蜿蜒的线，向北隐约可见一座崇高的山脉。从桑给巴尔到巴加莫约的距离可能大约有二十五英里，但沉闷而懒惰的单桅帆船花了十个小时才在珊瑚礁顶部抛锚，在水面下几英尺处清晰可见，不到一小时的时间。一百码的海滩。

新入伍的士兵喜欢喧闹和刺激，不断地齐射，向阿拉伯人、榕树人和瓦萨瓦希里人致敬，他们站在海滩上迎接穆松古（白人）。普遍的凝视和齐声的“Yambo，bana？” （师父，你好吗？）

在我们自己的土地上，与一大群人会面是一项相当乏味的操作，因为我们的独立公民坚持要交叉手指，并用力摇动手指，然后他们的骄傲得到满足，和平的示威得到认可；但在这个海滩上，挤满了观众，人们的反应是“Yambo，bana！”就足够了，除了一个被公认为最伟大的人，他像所有伟人一样声称受到个人关注，上前交换了另一个“Yambo！”代表他自己，并握手。这个拖着长头巾的人物是杰马达尔·埃索 (Jemadar Esau)，他是驻扎在巴加莫约的桑给巴尔部队的指挥官，该部队由士兵、警察或俾路支宪兵组成。他陪伴斯皮克和格兰特深入内陆很长一段距离，他们也慷慨地奖励了他。他承担起协助远征队登陆的责任，尽管他的外表不值得，尽管他的污秽可耻，但我在这里赞扬他对所有未来东非旅行者的乌合之众的影响。

在欢迎我们的人中，最重要的是圣埃斯普利特协会的一位神父，他与其他耶稣会士在霍纳神父的领导下，在巴加莫约建立了一个具有相当影响力和功绩的传教士职位。我们被邀请参加使团的热情款待，在那里吃饭，如果我们愿意的话，还可以在他们的场地上扎营。但是，无论欢迎多么热情，邀请多么真诚，如果可能的话，我都是那些宁愿独立而不是依赖的人之一。此外，我在桑给巴尔的好心主人的微妙宽容使我对主人和客人之间的义务感有了更敏锐的认识，他对我所造成的麻烦没有表现出不耐烦的迹象。 。因此，我告诉好客的神父，我只能在一个晚上被引诱离开营地。

我选了小镇西郊附近的一栋房子，那里有一个很大的露天广场，从Unyanyembe来的路就从这里进入。如果我在巴加莫约呆一个月，我的位置就再好不过了。我的帐篷搭在我选择的 tembe（房子）前面，周围有一个小广场，可以在那里做生意，检查、检查和标记捆包，不受好奇的观光者的打扰。将远征队的二十七只动物赶进房子后面的围场，存放成捆的货物，并用士兵围起警戒线后，我前往耶稣会传教团，吃晚饭，又累又饿。 ，让新成立的营地由白人和孟买船长负责。

传教团距离城镇足有半英里，位于城镇的北面。它本身就是一个村庄，大约有十五或十六栋房屋。有十多名神父和许多姐妹参与了这个机构，并且所有人都在从本地颅骨中引出智慧之火方面找到了很多工作。事实迫使我不得不说，他们非常成功，在传教区拥有超过 200 名男孩和女孩学生，从最年长的到最小的，他们都表现出了所接受的有用教育的印象。

为教士们和他们的客人提供的晚餐包括巴黎一流酒店通常提供的菜肴，烹饪技巧几乎与巴黎一流酒店一样多，尽管周围的环境绝不相同。我也确信，教士们除了他们的汤和主菜很有品味之外，并没有因为缺乏霍勒斯、哈菲兹和拜伦所称赞的元素而使他们的想法变得愚蠢。香槟——想想东非的凯歌香槟吧！——拉菲特、玫瑰、勃艮第、波尔多的品质都是一流的，父辈们温顺而谦卑的眼神在葡萄酒的熏陶下，不禁变得明亮起来。啊!那些父亲了解生命，并欣赏生命的长久。他们的喜庆木板将非洲丛林的狂热赶出了家门，同时也舒缓了令人敬畏的阴郁和孤独，当人们从灯光明亮的房间中走出来，陷入非洲夜晚的黑暗深处时，只有疲倦的夜晚才让人们充满活力。青蛙和蟋蟀的单调，还有鬣狗远处的叫声。在非洲本土生活的悲惨生活中，在没有令人欢呼的红宝石液体的帮助下，要始终保持温文尔雅和礼貌，需要付出超出人类的努力。

晚餐后，我补充了我衰弱的体力，对此我感到最强烈的感激，最先进的学生上台，人数达二十人，手持铜管乐器，从而组成了一支完整的音乐乐队。听到这些毛茸茸的年轻人发出和谐的乐器声，我感到相当惊讶。在这个偏僻的港口听到著名的法国音乐，听到几个月前除了他们无知的母亲的传统之外一无所知的黑人男孩，站出来唱关于法国勇气和荣耀的巴黎歌曲，带着所有的冷静来自圣安东尼的purlieus。

我度过了一个令人神清气爽的夜晚，黎明时分，我找到了我的营地，带着享受现在开始的新生活的意愿。清点动物时，发现缺少两头驴；我记下我的非洲钱币，却找不到一卷 6 号线。显然每个人都倒在地上睡觉了，没有注意到海岸上晚上有许多不诚实的徘徊者。士兵们被派去搜索整个城镇和街区，杰马达尔·以扫得知我们的损失，并受到奖励承诺的激励，去发现这些动物。入夜前，人们在镇外发现了一头正在啃木薯叶的失踪驴，但另一头驴和一卷电线却始终没有找到。

我在巴加莫约第一天的访客中有阿里·本·萨利姆（Ali bin Salim），他是著名的赛义德·本·萨利姆（Sayd bin Salim）的兄弟，以前是伯顿和斯皮克的拉斯卡菲拉，后来是斯皮克和格兰特。他的问候非常多，而且他的兄弟将成为我在Unyamwezi的代理人，所以我毫不犹豫地接受了他的帮助。但是，唉，我的脸色太白了，而且天性太容易相信人了！这个阿里·本·萨利姆原来是草丛里的一条蛇，是我身边的一根刺痛的刺。我被邀请到他舒适的房子里喝咖啡。我去了那里：咖啡虽然无糖，但很好喝，他的承诺很多，但事实证明它们毫无价值。他对我说：“我是你的朋友；我愿意为您服务，请问有什么可以帮您的吗？”我回答说：“我很感激你，我需要一个懂万亚姆韦齐语言和风俗习惯的好朋友，可以帮我找到我需要的传单，并尽快送我离开。你的兄弟熟悉瓦松古（Wasungu）（白人），并且知道他们会兑现承诺。给我一百四十个帕吉兹，我就付给你你的价钱。”我现在以虚伪的礼貌热情地喂养这只爬行动物。说道：“朋友，我不需要你为我提供任何帮助，只要你这么一点小事，你就安心地休息吧；你不能在这里停留十五天。明天早上我会来检查一下你们的包裹，看看需要什么。”我向他道早安，一想到我很快就要踏上乌尼延贝之路，我就很高兴。

必须让读者了解我为何要投入全部精力尽快从巴加莫约领导远征队的两个充分且充分的理由。

首先，我希望在我正在寻找他的消息传到利文斯通之前联系到乌吉吉，因为我对他的印象是，他是一个试图在我们之间拉开尽可能远的距离的人，而不是努力让我们之间保持距离。缩短它，我的长途旅行就白费了。

其次，马斯卡（Masika）或雨季很快就会降临到我身上，如果它在巴加莫约抓住我，我将无法离开，直到雨季结束为止，这意味着四十天的延误，而且由于所有人都下雨而夸大了。与我接触的人，四十天里天天下雨，没有间断。我知道这是一件令人恐惧的事情；因为我的记忆中充满了各种各样的不愉快的事情。例如，弗吉尼亚州的雨和随之而来的恐怖——潮湿、霉菌、疟疾、风湿病等等；然后是英国的降雨，一场令人痛苦的毛毛雨导致了蓝色魔鬼。随后，阿比西尼亚的雨季来临，天上的洪水闸门打开，倾盆大雨席卷全球，几小时之内就足以淹没半个大陆。最后，还有来自印度的猛烈季风，一种持续的室内降雨。我应该将东非这场可怕的马西卡与这些雨中的哪一场相比呢？伯顿不是写了很多关于乌扎拉莫黑泥的文章吗？那么，一个国家，天气好时，地表土就叫黑泥，四十天的雨打在上面，用驴子的脚踩成糊状，那叫什么呢？这些都是自然的反映，是由当时的环境引起的，我发现自己因此而受到很大的锻炼。

阿里·本·萨利姆兑现了他的承诺，第二天带着一种非常重要的神情来到了我的营地，在查看了那堆布包后，告诉我必须用垫子袋盖住它们。他说他会派一个人去量尺寸，但他嘱咐我不要为这些袋子讨价还价，因为他会让一切顺利。

在以值得赞扬的耐心等待阿里·本·萨利姆承诺的 140 名旅客的同时，我们都在忙着做一切可能表明穿越病态海域所需的事情，以便我们可以在可怕的发烧让我们感到不安和不快乐之前完成过境。在巴加莫亚的短暂经历向我们展示了我们所缺乏的东西、多余的东西以及必要的东西。一天晚上，我们遭遇了一场暴风雨，还伴随着倾盆大雨。我的帐篷里有价值 1,500 美元的 pagazi 布。早上我看了看，瞧！钻孔像筛子一样让雨水进来，每一码布都湿了。花了两天时间把布晾干，然后又折叠起来。钻帐篷被报废了，准备了一个5号麻帆布帐篷。之后我确信我的布包和一年的弹药都是安全的，我可以反抗马斯卡。

在匆忙离开桑给巴尔的过程中，由于我不知道如何制作捆包，我屈服于一位捷达（一位佣金商人）的更好判断和成熟经验，准备运输我的捆包。捷达在整理捆包时并没有称重，而是将 Merikani、Kaniki、Barsati、Jamdani、Joho、Ismahili 交替堆放，然后用绳子将它们捆成捆。一两个流浪汉来到我的营地，开始闲聊。他们希望先看看这些捆包，然后再做最后的讨价还价。他们试图把他们扶起来——啊！啊！没有用，就撤了。一个精美的索尔特弹簧天平被挂起来，钩子上挂着一个包。手指显示 105 磅。或者 3 frasilah，只有 35 磅。或 XNUMX 个 frasilah 超重。在对所有的包进行测试后，我发现捷达的猜测以及他的经验给我带来了相当大的麻烦。

士兵们准备开始重新包装和重新包装，后一项任务是按以下方式执行的：我们切割了一个 doti，即四码的 Merikani，通常在桑给巴尔以 2.75 美元的价格出售，每 36 码一块，然后展开。我们取一块或一匹好的Merikani，而不是Nashua和Salem工厂给它的双折，我们把它折叠成三部分，折痕有一英尺宽；这件作品构成第一层，重九磅；第二层由六块 Kaniki 组成，这是一种类似于法国衬衫的蓝色材料，以及美国的蓝色牛仔裤，但要轻得多；第三层由第二块Merikani、六块Kaniki中的第四层、第五层Merikani、第六层Kaniki和之前的第七层、最后一块Merikani组成。因此，我们有 18 块 Merikani，重 36 磅，还有 72 块 Kaniki，重 XNUMX 磅，总共 XNUMX 磅，或者比两块 frasilah 多一点；然后将布单独折叠在这些层上，每个角都绑在一起。然后拿来一捆椰壳绳，两名男子带着木槌敲打和压紧捆包，然后像水手们打索具一样精细地把它捆起来。

完成后，捆包是一个三英尺半长、一英尺深、一英尺宽的实心物体。在这些包中，我必须将 82 包运送到 Unyanyembe，其中 40 包仅由 Merikani 和 Kaniki 组成。另外四十二块包含梅里卡尼和彩色布料，后者用作洪加或贡布，并与从乌尼扬贝到乌吉吉以及从乌吉吉到更远地区的另一组传教士接触。

第十五天，阿里·本·萨利姆向我询问路过的传道人的情况，但我的营地里并没有传人的鬼魂。我派了牛头马布鲁基去见阿里·本·萨利姆，转达我的问候，并希望他信守诺言。半小时后，马布鲁基带着阿拉伯人的答复回来了，说几天之内他就能把它们全部收集起来。但是，马布鲁基狡猾地补充道，“巴纳，我不相信他。在我的耳边，他大声自言自语道：“我为什么要得到穆松古传记呢？”赛义德·布尔加什没有写信给我，而是写给了杰玛达尔。我何必为他烦恼呢？让 Seyd Burghash 为此目的写一封信给我，我将在两天内采购它们。”

在我看来，现在是采取行动的时候了：阿里·本·萨利姆应该明白，对一个认真的白人来说，一开始是不妥当的。我骑车去他家问他是什么意思。

他的回答是，马布鲁基撒了一个和他的脸一样黑的谎言。他从来没有说过类似的话。他愿意成为我的奴隶——他自己也成为一名异教徒。但说到这里，我打断了喋喋不休的阿里，并告诉他，我无法想象以传播者的身份雇用他，我也不想麻烦赛义德·布尔加什直接给他写信，或者要求他这个人曾经欺骗过我一次，就像阿里·本·萨利姆那样，无论任何性质的服务。因此，如果阿里·本·萨利姆远离我的营地，并且不要亲自或通过代理人进入我的营地，那就更好了。

我已经损失了十五天，因为在考勒的杰马达尔·萨杜尔在收到苏丹的信后，除了去拜访之外，从来没有离开过他在那个村庄的防御工事的房子里为我服务。 Naranji 是 Kaoie 的海关代理人，完全受伟大的 Ludha Damji 的控制，除了眨眼、点头和承诺之外，没有回应 Ludha 采购 pagazis 的口头请求，而这只是说明了我的表现在阿里·本·萨利姆手中。在这绝境中，我想起了桑给巴尔大商人塔里亚·托潘（Tarya Topan）对我的承诺，他是一名伊斯兰教印地语人，他会给我一封写给一位名叫苏尔·哈吉·帕卢（Soor Hadji Palloo）的年轻人的信，据说他是桑给巴尔最好的男人。巴加莫约采购帕加兹的供应。

我用一艘单桅三角帆船派遣我的阿拉伯翻译前往桑给巴尔，并向韦伯船长提出了非常诚挚的请求，希望他能从塔莉亚·托潘那里获得那封拖延已久的介绍信。这是我手里的最后一张牌了。

第三天，阿拉伯人回来了，不仅带来了给苏尔·哈吉·帕卢的信，还带来了韦伯先生热情好客的家里带来的大量好东西。收到信后不久，杰出的年轻人苏尔·哈吉·帕卢 (Soor Hadji Palloo) 来拜访我，并告诉我塔莉亚·托潘 (Tarya Topan) 要求他在最短的时间内为我雇用一百四十名传教士到乌尼扬贝 (Unyanyembe) 。他说这会非常昂贵，因为有数十名阿拉伯人和瓦萨瓦比利商人在监视每一支从内陆进入的商队，他们向每个帕吉兹支付 20 多提（即 80 码布料）。由于不愿意或无力支付更多费用，这些商人中的许多人已经等待了长达六个月的时间才能获得配额。 “如果你想快点离开，”他继续说道，“你必须支付25到40多提，我可以在一个月结束之前送你走。”我回答说：“这是我为传教士准备的衣服，价值 1,750 美元，即 3,500 点，足够给一百四十个人每人 25 点。我最多愿意支付 25 点：用我的布料和金属丝将一百四十个 pagazis 送到 Unyanyembe，我会用你收到过的最丰富的礼物让你感到高兴。” “年轻人”带着一种令人耳目一新的天真态度，说他不需要任何礼物，他会给我我的帕加兹配额，然后我就可以告诉“Wasungu”他是一个多么好的“年轻人”，从而获得好处他将收到的将是业务的增长。他以令人震惊的评论结束了他的答复，他家里已经有十个帕加兹了，如果我能好心把四包布、两袋珠子和二十卷电线运到他家，帕加兹可以第二天，在三名士兵的带领下离开巴加莫约。

“因为，”他说，“派遣许多小型商队比派遣一支大型商队要好得多，也便宜得多。大型商队会招致攻击，或者被贪婪的酋长以最微不足道的借口拖延，而小商队则会在没有通知的情况下经过。”

捆包和珠子按时运到了苏尔·哈吉·帕卢的家，这一天就这样过去了，我在心里庆幸自己的好运气，称赞年轻的印地语的商业才能，称赞塔莉亚·托潘的伟大和影响力，称赞塔里娅·托潘的善良。韦伯先生因此加速我离开巴加莫约。我在心里发誓要给苏尔·哈吉·帕卢一份精美的礼物和我书中的一大笔钱，我怀着一颗高兴的心为这些士兵准备向乌尼亚延贝进军。

为乌尼亚延贝公路准备第一批商队的任务让我了解到了一些我在东非的前任们没有注意到的事情，及时了解这些信息对我在桑给巴尔购买和选择货物时会有无限的帮助。充足且合适的布料。

第一个商队的出发也让我对贡加（honga）这个话题有了启发。贡品必须单独包装，全部采用精选布料；因为酋长们除了贪婪之外，还非常挑剔。他们不会接受薄弱的 pagazi 布料，而是接受皇家且价格极高的 dabwani、Ismahili、Rehani 或 Sohari 或深红色宽幅布料的 dotis。第一个商队的贡品花费了 25 美元。由于有一百四十多个邮报需要寄送，这笔贡金最终将达到 330 美元的黄金，至少 25 分。每美元。旅行者啊，请思考这一点！我将这些事实揭露出来，供您特别指导。

但在我的第一支商队注定与我分道扬镳之前，苏尔·哈吉·帕卢（Soor Hadji Palloo）——一位值得尊敬的年轻人——和我对金钱问题有了明确的了解。预定出发的那天早上，苏尔·哈吉·帕卢来到我的小屋，以一种天真无邪的态度提出了他的账单，因为他向乌尼延贝提供了每人二十五点的租金，请求立即付款。我自然感到惊讶，无法用言语来表达，这个看上去很犀利的年轻人竟然这么快就忘记了前一天早上他和我之间签订的口头契约，其大意是，从我存储在我的存储库中的三千点中，帐篷，是专门为 pagazi 租赁而购买的，为我雇用的从巴加莫约到 Unyanyembe 的每个承运人，都应从我帐篷里的商店支付费用，当我问他是否记得合同时，他回答说是肯定的：他这么快就打破协议的原因是，他想卖掉他的衣服，而不是我的衣服，而对于他的衣服，他需要的是钱，而不是交换。但我让他明白，当他为我采购 pagazis 时，他要用我的衣服来支付我的 pagazis ；我期望付给他的所有钱，应该是我认为足以解决他作为我的代理人的麻烦的金额，并且只有在这些条件下，他才可以在这件事或任何其他事情上为我行事，并且“Musungu”不习惯食言。

前一段包含的字数比其中包含的字数多得多。它体现了一个小时的对话，半小时持续时间的愤怒争吵，Soor Hadji Palloo 的誓言，如果我不拿走他的衣服，他就不会碰我的生意，许多眼泪，恳求，悲惨的忏悔，以及其他许多事情，所有这些都得到了回应，“按照我希望你做的去做，或者什么也不做。”终于松了口气，也迎来了幸福的结局。苏尔·哈吉·帕卢 (Soor Hadji Palloo) 离开时脸上笑容满面，他还带走了三名士兵的 posho（食物）和给商队的 honga（贡品）。对我来说，事情就这样结束了，而且随后类似性质的争吵也如此和平地结束了，否则我怀疑我是否会这么早就离开巴加莫约。当我谈论这个主题时，因为它确实占据了我在巴加莫约的每一刻，所以我不妨更明确地了解 Boor Hadji Palloo 以及他与我的业务的联系。

布尔·哈吉·帕卢（Boor Hadji Palloo）是一位聪明的商人年轻人，精力充沛，心算敏捷，似乎天生就是一个成功的推销员。他的眼睛从来没有闲着；它们在我身上的每一个部位徘徊，在帐篷、床、枪、衣服上徘徊，然后转过身来，又开始了无声的循环。他的手指从来没有休息过，指尖处有一种烦躁、紧张的动作，不断地在感受着什么；在与我交谈的过程中，他会俯身感受我的裤子、外套、鞋子或袜子的质地：然后他会感觉自己的浅色 jamdani 衬衫或 dabwain 腰布，直到他的当他的眼睛漫不经心地停留在新奇的事物上时，他的身体会前倾，他的手臂自愿地伸出手指。他的下巴也不停地运动，这是由于他养成了咀嚼槟榔和酸橙的恶习，有时还嚼烟草和酸橙。它们发出类似于幼鸟吸吮时的声音。他是一位虔诚的伊斯兰教徒，遵守真正信徒的外在礼节和仪式。他会和蔼地跟我打招呼，脱掉鞋子，进入我的帐篷，抗议他不适合坐在我面前，坐下后，他就会开始他那一贯不正当的差事。对于诚实，字面上的和实际的诚实，这个年轻人一无所知。对于纯粹的真理来说，他是一个完全陌生的人。他在短暂的一生中所说的谎言似乎已经熄灭了他眼中天真的大胆目光，消除了他脸上诚实的色彩，把他——还只是一个二十岁的小伙子——变成了一个最有成就的流氓。 ，并且是欺诈方面的完美专家。

在我在巴加莫约扎营的六个星期里，等待我的人员配额，这个二十岁的小伙子给我带来了很大的麻烦。每天他的不诚实行为都会被发现六次，但他并没有因此感到羞耻。他会寄出提供给传销者的布料的帐目，并注明每人支付 25 美元；派人去询问，发现最大的有20件，最小的有12件。Soor Hadji Palloo形容这些布料质量一流，Ulyah布料，市场价值是普通品质的四倍。给帕吉兹，但亲自检查会证明它们是出售的最脆弱的商品，例如 2 1/2 英尺宽的美国床单，在桑给巴尔每 2.75 码价值 30 美元，或者是最劣质的 Kaniki，通常是每套售价 9 美元。他会亲自来到我的营地并索要 40 磅。萨米-萨米、Merikani 和 Bubu 珠子用于 posho（商队口粮）；在从巴加莫约出发的第一个营地之前检查他们的商店会发现有 5 到 30 磅的缺陷。此外，他还骗取现金，例如每4个轮渡要求2美元过金加尼渡轮，而同等数量的票价为3美元； posho 需要大量的 pice（价值相当于 4/20 美分的铜币）。这种欺诈制度连续四个星期每天都在进行。每天都会构思出十几个新方案；他似乎每时每刻都在思考如何掠夺，直到我完全束手无策，如何阻止他。暴露在一群同伴面前，他蜡黄的脸颊并没有因为羞愧而泛红。他只会耸耸肩来听，仅此而已，我可以按照我喜欢的任何方式解释。威胁要减少他的礼物并没有产生任何效果。对他来说，一鸟在手当然胜过二鸟在林，因此，他实际拥有的、被盗的价值十美元的物品，比几天后承诺的二十美元的内在价值更高，尽管那是一只白鸟。男人。

读者当然会问自己，为什么在第一次发现这些无耻的行为之后，我没有结束与他的生意，对此我的回答是，我不能没有他，除非他的对手即将到来，我从来没有这么觉得过。完全依赖任何一个人，就像我对他的依赖一样；如果没有他或他的复制品的帮助，我必须在巴加莫约呆至少六个月，到那时，这次远征就会变得毫无价值，有关它的谣言已经被四风吹散了。立即离开对我的成功至关重要——离开巴加莫约——之后我就有可能在很大程度上掌控自己的未来。

这些麻烦是我此时所能想象到的最大的麻烦。我已经说过，我的帐篷里存放着价值 1,750 美元的 pagazis 衣服，即 3,500 doti，高于我的包裹。计算一百四十个 pagazis，每个 25 doti，我想我已经足够了，然而，尽管我一直在努力教导年轻的印地语，Musungu 不是傻子，也没有对他的盗窃伎俩视而不见，尽管 3,500 doti 已经全部了。花费;尽管我只获得了一百三十张 pagazis，每张 25 点，总共达到 3,200 点：Soor Hadji Palloo 的账单是 1,400 美元的额外现金。他的辩解是，他为穆洪戈提供了 240 多提的乌利亚衣服，相当于我的 960 多提，这些钱都花在了渡轮上，给帐篷商队首领的礼物，枪支，红色宽布，给米里马（Mrima）（海岸）的人们诱使他们去追捕异教徒。看到他这种最无情的欺骗行为，我感到非常愤怒，并向他宣称，如果他不检查帐单并改正，他就应该不吃任何东西。

但在法案成型之前，我的话语、威胁和承诺不经意地落在了一个冷漠的大脑上，桑给巴尔塔里亚·托潘商店里的一个名叫坎吉的男人不得不过来，当法案通过时最终降价至$738。无意冒犯塔莉亚·托潘 (Tarya Topan)，我无法决定坎吉 (Kanjee) 和年轻的索尔·哈吉·帕卢 (Soor Hadji Palloo) 哪个是最有成就的流氓；用一位认识他们两人的白人的话说，“他们之间不存在任何分歧。” Kanjee 深沉而狡猾，Soor Hadji Palloo 则大胆且无可救药。但愿他们俩平安，愿他们的光头永远不会被我在巴加莫约戴过的麻烦的王冠遮住！

我亲爱的友好读者，如果我在本章或任何其他章节中就看似微不足道和不重要的事情说出我的想法，请不要认为这些看起来应该被忽略。每一个相关的标题都是事实，了解事实就是接受知识。

如果我不讲述这些悲惨的细节，我怎么能向你讲述我的经历呢？这些细节在陌生人第一次到来时严重分散了他的注意力？如果我是一名政府官员，我只要摇一摇手指，我的传道员配额就会在一周内给我提供；但作为一个没有得到官方承认、没有受到政府影响的人，我必须要有耐心，等待时机，安静地反刍愤怒，但我吃的面包并不像现在这样全是酸的。

白人法夸尔和肖一直在防水的麻帆布帐篷上工作，因为我察觉到，预示着马斯卡即将到来的阵雨即将来临，普通的轻布帐篷将让我自己承受潮湿，我的货物发霉，虽然有时间纠正由于无知或过于匆忙而潜入我的计划的所有错误，但我认为允许事情自行纠正是不明智的。现在我已经健康无恙地回来了，尽管在短短的十三个月里，我已经发烧了二十三次。我必须承认我的生命首先归功于上帝的仁慈；其次，是对工作的热情，它让我从始至终都充满活力；第三，我从未因沉溺于罪恶和不节制而毁掉了我的体质。第四，我本性的能量；第五，源于一种与生俱来的永不消逝的希望；第六，为自己配备了一间宽敞的防水防潮的帆布房子。在这里，如果我的经验可能有价值的话，我建议旅行者不要将自己更好的判断力交给帐篷制造商的反复无常，他们会努力冒充自己制作的精美织物，但这种织物不适合在所有气候条件下，运用自己的判断力，获得金钱能买到的最好、最强的产品。最终这将被证明是最便宜的，也许是拯救他生命的手段。

在某一点上我失败了，为了避免新的和年轻的旅行者陷入同样的​​错误，损害了我的大部分乐趣，写了这一段。无论是用于运动还是防御，人们在选择武器时都必须极其小心。旅行者应该至少拥有三种不同类型的枪支。第一个应该是猎枪，第二个应该是双管步枪，10 号或 12 号，第三个应该是弹匣步枪，用于防御。对于捕鸟器，我建议使用 12 号孔，枪管长度至少为四英尺。对于大型比赛的步枪，当然，出于对老运动员的尊重，我会指出，非洲比赛中最好的枪是英国兰开斯特和赖利步枪；对于战斗武器，我认为迄今为止最好的发明是美国温彻斯特连发步枪，或所谓的“十六射手”，配备伦敦埃利的弹药。如果我建议将美国温彻斯特作为战斗武器，我并不是说旅行者需要将其用于进攻目的，而是作为有效防御的重要手段，以在受到非洲土匪袭击时保全自己的生命。随时都有可能发生。

从内地回来后不久，我遇到了一位年轻人，他坚信“Express”步枪是有史以来发明的摧毁非洲比赛的最完美武器。很可能这个年轻人是对的，他所宣称的就是“Express”步枪，但他从未在非洲比赛中用它进行过练习，而且我也从未尝试过，所以我无法反驳他的主张：但我可以讲述我使用武器的经验，拥有“快车”的所有穿透力，并可以告诉他，虽然子弹穿透了动物，但它们几乎总是无法在第一次射击时击倒游戏。另一方面，我可以告诉他，在我和利文斯通医生一起旅行的时候，医生借给了我他的重型赖利步枪，我用这把步枪几乎每次都能把一两只动物带回营地，而且我发现了弗雷泽shell 满足其预期的所有目的。当这位年轻的运动员手里有一辆兰卡斯特或赖利时，斯皮克上尉和塞缪尔·贝克爵士的壮举不再令人惊叹。经过很少的尝试，他可以模仿他们，即使不能超越他们的利兹，只要他有稳定的手。而写这一段话就是为了转发这个目的。非洲游戏需要“碎骨者”；因为任何普通的卡宾枪都具有足够的穿透力，但在非洲探险家手中，一把枪必须具备的致残能力却没有。

我在巴加莫约呆了没多久，就前往穆苏迪的营地，参观英国领事于 1870 年 15 月第一天派去救援利文斯通的“利文斯通商队”。包裹数量为三十五个，需要尽可能多的人才能将它们运送到乌尼亚延贝。被选中护送这支商队的人是约翰尼斯和瓦希尤，共七人。这七人中，有四人是奴隶。他们在这里过着幸福的生活——不考虑他们被派去执行的任务，也不关心后果。我无法想象这些人一直在巴加莫约所做的事情，除了放纵自己的邪恶倾向。说没有传教士是无稽之谈。因为我知道自斋月（1870 年 2 月 10 日）以来，至少有 100 辆商队已出发前往内陆。然而，利文斯通的商队于XNUMX月XNUMX日抵达巴加莫约这个小镇，并在这里一直待到XNUMX月XNUMX日，总共XNUMX天，因为缺乏数量有限的XNUMX个帕加兹，而这个数量可以在通过领事影响两天。

巴加莫约拥有最宜人的气候。从各方面来说，它都比桑给巴尔好得多。我们可以在露天睡觉，每天早晨起来都神清气爽、健康，享受清晨的海浴；太阳升起的时候，我们已经开始为前往内陆地区做各种准备了。我们的日子因阿拉伯人的到来而活跃起来，他们也前往乌尼亚延贝。营地里的滑稽场景；有时会被军事法庭关押；法夸尔和肖之间的拳击比赛，当他们变得过于愤怒时，需要我谨慎的干预；时不时地去金加尼平原和河流打猎；通过与老杰马达尔和他的俾路支人的社交交谈，他们总是不厌其烦地警告我，马西卡即将到来，并建议我，最好的做法是在旅行季节结束之前赶紧出发。

探险队的员工中有两名印地语和两名果阿人。他们认为非洲内陆是黄金国，地上布满了象牙，他们团结在一起；当他们的想象力如此炽热时，就开始了自己的小事业。他们的名字是 Jako、Abdul Kader、Bunder Salaam 和 Aranselar； Jako 为我服务，担任木匠和一般帮手；阿卜杜勒·卡德尔（Abdul Kader）担任裁缝，邦德·萨拉姆（Bunder Salaam）担任厨师，阿兰塞拉尔（Aranselar）担任首席管家。

但阿兰塞拉尔凭着直觉预见到我很可能会成为一个充满活力的雇主，尽管他还有时间，但他还是花了大部分时间来考虑如何退出婚约。他请求前往桑给巴尔探望朋友后获得许可。两天后，我得知他的右眼被炸出，并收到了赛义德·布尔加什殿下的医生克里斯蒂医生对这一事实的医疗确认以及受伤程度的记录。我想象他的同胞们也在计划同样的事情，但是在他们收到预付款后发出的禁止这种愚蠢行为的强制性命令，足以阻止他们可能形成的任何险恶计划。

一天晚上，一个马夫在偷东西的时候被抓到，人们追着他到乡下，直到他消失在丛林中，这是最令人愉快的消遣之一，恰好消磨了准备行军的时间。 。

我现在已经派了四辆商队进入内陆，第五辆是运载船只和箱子、个人行李以及一些布料和珠子的，准备由我自己带领。以下是商队出发的顺序。

1871 年 6 月 XNUMX 日——探险队抵达巴加莫约。

1871 年 18 月 XNUMX 日——第一支商队带着 XNUMX 名传教士和 XNUMX 名士兵出发。

1871 年 21 月 XNUMX 日——第二支商队出发，带着 XNUMX 名传教士、两名酋长和两名士兵。

1871 年 25 月 XNUMX 日——第三支商队出发，带着 XNUMX 名驴子、XNUMX 头驴、XNUMX 名白人、XNUMX 名厨师和 XNUMX 名士兵。

1871年。三月。 11.——第四支商队带着五十五名帕加齐、两名酋长和三名士兵出发。

1871年。三月。 21.——第五支商队出发，带着二十八名帕加兹、十二名士兵、两名白人、一名裁缝、一名厨师、一名翻译、一名持枪者、十七头驴、两匹马和一只狗。

与“纽约先驱报探险队”有关的商队总数，包括所有灵魂，192 人。

离开巴加莫约前往内陆。——建造一座桥梁。——
我们的第一个麻烦。——射杀河马。——第一眼看到
游戏之地。—预计 Wagogo 会出现麻烦。—
可怕的毒药——苍蝇。——狩猎时的不幸冒险。——
狡猾的金加鲁首领——我的两个人突然死亡
马。—一次可怕的经历。—“狮子之城”
主。”

21月XNUMX日，距离我抵达桑给巴尔正好七十三天，我率领的第五批商队带着“前进！”离开巴加莫约小镇，开始了我们的第一次西行。因为它的座右铭。当基兰戈兹展开美国国旗，站在商队的最前面，而异教徒、动物、士兵和闲人列队行进时，我们就告别了文明生活的美好时光，告别了蓝色的海洋，通往回家的那条开阔的道路，还有数百名昏暗的观众，他们在那里用步枪的连发声庆祝我们的离开。

我们的商队由 28 名 pagazi 组成，其中包括 kirangozi（即向导）；姆巴拉克·孟买上尉手下有十二名士兵，负责十七头驴及其负载；塞利姆，我的翻译，负责管理驴子、马车及其负载；一名厨师和替补，负责裁缝和为所有人做好准备，牵着一匹灰马；肖曾经是一艘船的伙伴，现在变成了商队的后卫和监督者，他骑在一头好骑驴上，穿着独木舟般的帐篷和海靴；最后，是古德休先生送给我的一匹华丽的海湾马，我本人，被我的人民——探险队的先锋、记者、思想家和领导者——称为巴纳·姆库巴（Bana Mkuba），“大主人”。

出发当天，远征队总共有三名白人、二十三名士兵、四名编外人员、四名酋长、一百五十三名驴子、二十七头驴子和一辆运载布料、珠子和金属丝的马车，船用固定装置、帐篷、炊具和餐具、药品、火药、小子弹、步枪弹和金属弹药筒；仪器和小必需品，如肥皂、糖、茶、咖啡、李比希肉提取物、干肉饼、蜡烛等，总共 153 负载。远征队拥有的防御武器包括一门双管后装滑膛炮；一支美国温彻斯特步枪，或“十六发步枪”；一支亨利步枪，或“十六发步枪”；两把斯塔尔后膛装弹枪，一把乔斯林后膛装弹枪，一把大象步枪，每磅可携带八颗子弹；两把后装左轮手枪，二十四把火枪（燧石枪），六把单管手枪，一把战斧，两把剑，两把匕首（波斯库默，我自己在设拉子购买的），一把野猪矛，两把美国斧头4 磅。每把斧头二十四把，屠刀二十四把。

探险队的装备经过精心布置；无论需要什么，都毫不吝惜；一切都已提供。没有什么事情做得太匆忙，但所有东西都是按照效率和手段以最快的速度购买、制造、收集和混合的。如果它未能成功地完成往返乌吉吉的快速运输任务，那一定是一场无法控制的事故。就这么多 人员 远征的目的及其目的，直到其 德迈尔角 到达。

我们满心欢喜地离开了吸引所有好奇者的巴加莫约，沿着一条狭窄的小巷走去，小巷几乎被两片平行的含羞草树篱遮蔽得几乎到了暮色。我们都兴高采烈。士兵们唱歌，基兰戈兹人大声吼叫，美国国旗飘扬，告诉所有旁观者：“瞧，穆松古的商队！”我想，对于一位领导人冷静的面容来说，我的心跳得太快了。但我无法检查；尽管我到处旅行，但青春的热情仍然萦绕在我的心头；我的脉搏充满了主要健康的光芒；困扰我两个多月的烦恼已经抛在脑后。我对那个不诚实的印地人儿子苏尔·哈吉·帕卢说了我的最后一句话；我最后看了一眼那些明目张胆的乌合之众，阿拉伯人、榕树人和俾路支人。我与法国传教团的耶稣会士们互相道别，当他加速驶向西方时，我面前闪耀着承诺的阳光。可爱在我周围闪耀。我看到了肥沃的田野，茂密的植被，奇异的树木，听到了蟋蟀和小便的叫声，还有许多昆虫的咝咝声，这一切似乎都在告诉我：“你终于开始了。”我能做什么，只能抬头仰望纯净的天空，呼喊：“感谢上帝！”

我们用了 1 小时 30 分钟到达第一个营地 Shamba Gonera，相当于 3 1/4 英里。正如爱尔兰人所说，这第一次，或者说“小旅程”，表现得非常好，“考虑到”。男孩塞利姆将车翻倒不超过三次。士兵扎伊迪只曾让他的驴子躺在一滩黑水里，驴子驮着我的一袋衣服和一箱弹药。衣服必须重新洗；由于我的提供，弹药箱是防水的。卡姆纳也许懂得赶驴的艺术，但是，在离开时欣喜若狂，他忘记了纯种驴子自然要面对的困难，例如不知道正确的道路和无能。抵制误入木薯田深处的诱惑；驴子不知道赶驴人的习俗，在动物鼻子前用一根茂盛的棍子，误解了他被要求走的方向，沿着对面的路全速奔跑，直到他的背包失去平衡，他很想来到地球上。但这些事件都是微不足道的，不重要的，对于东非的第一次“小旅行”来说是很自然的。

士兵们的性格稍微泄露了一点。事实证明，孟买诚实可信，但有点拖沓。乌莱迪说话多于工作；而逃跑的费拉吉和无用的手马布鲁基·伯顿却是真正的男人和坚定的人，他们所背负的重物足以让斯坦布尔的四肢强壮的哈马尔叹息。

马鞍非常好，超出了预期。坚固的麻帆布以牛皮的强度承受了一百五十磅的重量，杂项行李的装卸也有条不紊地进行。简而言之，没有什么可遗憾的——旅程的成功证明我们的出发绝非为时过早。

接下来的三天是我们为长途陆路旅行做最后的准备工作，以及对现在不祥地逼近的马斯卡的预防措施，以及结算账目。

香巴戈内拉（Shamba Gonera）的意思是戈内拉的田野。戈内拉是一位富有的印度寡妇，对瓦松古（白人）很有好感。她向遥远的内陆地区出口大量布料、珠子和金属丝，同时进口大量象牙。她的房子仿照镇屋的样式，长长的斜屋顶和突出的屋檐，提供凉爽的阴凉，人们喜欢在阴凉处闲逛。其南部和东部延伸着耕地，为巴加莫约提供东非的主粮马塔马（matama）；左边长着印度玉米和穆霍戈（muhogo），一种像山药一样的白色根，有些木薯把它叫做木薯；干燥后，将其磨碎并混合成类似于军队饼的蛋糕。北面，就在房子后面，蜿蜒着一片黑色的泥沼，这是一个蜿蜒的洼地，最深处总是有水——这是喜欢刹车和冲刺的“kiboko”或河马的泥泞家园。河岸上长满了矮小的扇形棕榈树、高大的水芦苇、金合欢树和虎草，为众多水鸟、鹈鹕等提供了栖息地。沿着东北方向行驶后，它与金加尼河汇合，金加尼河距戈内拉的乡间别墅四英里；向东弯曲入海。向西，经过一英里的耕耘，古老的海滩在长长的平行波浪中相继落下和退去，长满了茂密的森林草和沼泽芦苇。这些隆起的土地上长满了乌木、葫芦和芒果。

“索法里——索法里利奥！帕基亚，帕基亚！”——“旅程——今天的旅程！出发！——出发！”第四天早上，基兰戈齐人欢快的声音响起，我的仆人塞利姆的声音也跟着响起，我们的出发计划是认真的。当我催促我的人去干活，并用力气把帐篷放下时，我心里暗下决心，如果我的商队能够给我腾出空间，乌尼扬贝应该在三个月后成为我们的休息地。早上 6 点，我们的早餐就送来了，驴子和驴子也从戈内拉营地出发了。即使在这么早的时候，在这个乡间地方，仍然有很多好奇的当地人，我们真诚地向他们致以告别的“Kwaheri”。人们发现我的枣红马对于运输火车的军需官来说非常宝贵。因为我不得不与自己进行比较。我可以留在后面，直到最后一头驴子离开营地，再跑几分钟，我就可以把自己放在前面，让肖在后面。

这条路只不过是一条小路，所经过的土壤虽然是沙质的，但却肥沃得惊人，出产的谷物和蔬菜成百倍，而播种和种植的方式却是最不熟练的。男人和女人在他们的田地里，漫不经心地劳作，穿着最简陋的服装，相比之下，穿着无花果树服装的亚当和夏娃一定是 大年夜。我们一脸严肃地从他们身边走过，而他们则笑着，咯咯地笑着，用食指指着这个那个，这对他们来说似乎是那么奇怪。

大约半小时后，我们离开了高大的马塔马和西瓜、黄瓜和木薯田。穿过一片芦苇沼泽，就来到一片开阔的乌木和葫芦森林里。其深处有大量的鹿，晚上金加尼河马会来此觅食。又过了一个小时，我们从树林里出来了，俯瞰着金加尼宽阔的山谷，眼前的景象与我愚蠢的想象完全不同，我因令人愉快的失望而感到非常轻松。这里是一个东西绵延四英里、南北绵延约八英里的山谷，拥有最肥沃的土壤，适合野生草的生长——在文明社会，这将是最有价值的养牛草场——投资它周围是茂密的森林，地平线各处都变暗了，并被树木覆盖的山脊折叠起来。

听到我们车队的声音，红羚羊就向我们的左右跳跃，青蛙也不再呱呱叫。阳光炙热，穿过山谷时，我们感受到了真正的非洲热情。大约走到一半的时候，我们来到了一个积水闸，就在商队的道路上，它已经沉淀成一个软乎乎的池塘。传教士们走过了一座很久以前由一些瓦森西撒玛利亚人匆忙建造的桥。这是一件非同寻常的事情。崎岖的树枝搁在非常不稳定的叉形桩上，这显然考验了许多满载的姆尼亚姆韦齐的耐心，就像我们商队的搬运工一样。我们较弱的动物被卸下了，巴加莫约和吉内拉之间的水坑教会了我们谨慎行事。但这并没有造成太大的耽搁。这些人在肖的监督下干得很聪明。

很快就到达了因河马而闻名的浑浊的金加尼河，我们开始沿着右岸穿过丛林，直到我们被一个狭窄的水闸拦住，水闸里有深不可测的黑泥。尽管它的宽度只有八英尺，但这样做所带来的困难是非常严重的。驴子，尤其是马，不能像我们的两足运输工具一样穿过两根柱子，也不能被赶进水闸，在那里它们很快就会沉没。安全地穿越它的唯一可行的方法是通过一座桥，作为瓦松古人的杰作，在这片保守的土地上世代相传。于是，在没有任何帮助的情况下，我们开始用美国斧头——在世界这一地区敲响的第一把斧头——建造一座桥梁。确保尽快完成，因为只要找到文明的白色，困难就一定会消失。这座桥是由六棵粗壮的树横亘而成，上面交叉放置了十五个鞍座，上面又覆盖着一层厚厚的草。所有的动物都安全地穿过了它，然后那天早上第三次进行了涉水过程。金加尼河在这里向北流动，我们的航线位于它的右岸。朝那个方向走了半英里，穿过一片巨大的芦苇丛林和奢侈的登山者，把我们带到了渡口，在那里，动物必须再次卸货——说实话，当我看到它深邃浑浊的水域时，我希望我拥有摩西的力量和他的力量。魔法棒，或者也能满足我的目的的东西，阿拉丁戒指，因为那样我就可以发现自己和派对站在另一边，而不会再遇到更多麻烦；但由于我没有这些天赋，我下令立即穿越，因为在这最平凡的前景之前希望崇高的事情是不好的。

独木舟桨手金维尔从对面的刹车隐蔽处监视着我们，礼貌地回应了我们的呼唤，并熟练地将他那棵巨大的空心树带到了河水旋转的漩涡上，到达我们站着等他的地方。当一队人把我们的货物装到独木舟上时，其他人则准备好一根长长的油绳，系在动物的脖子上，用它把它们拖过河到对岸。看到工作顺利开始后，我坐在一艘报废的独木舟上，用我的 12 号滑膛枪在河马厚厚的头骨上打滚，与河马玩耍。温彻斯特步枪（口径 44），来自阁下的礼物。爱德华·乔伊·莫里斯（Edward Joy Morris）——我们在君士坦丁堡的部长——只是轻轻地敲了一下它们，造成的伤害与男孩的弹弓一样多；它的射击精度非常完美，我连续十次击中了他们的头顶两耳之间。一名看上去像圣人的老者，被其中一颗子弹击中了右耳附近。他没有像其他人那样把自己淹没在水中，而是冷静地转过头，仿佛在问：“为什么要在我们身上浪费宝贵的弹药筒？”对他圣人无声询问的回应是从滑膛中射出一盎司又四分之一的子弹，这让他痛苦地咆哮，过了一会儿，他再次站起来，在死亡的痛苦中翻滚。由于他的呻吟如此凄惨，我没有做出无用的生命牺牲，安然地离开了两栖部落。

即使我们在渡轮上耽搁了几分钟，我们也对这些非洲水域的粗鲁囚犯有了一些了解。当不受外来声音干扰时，它们聚集在沙洲的浅水中，前半身暴露在温暖的阳光下，如此昏昏欲睡地休息，看起来很像一群巨大的猪。当受到入侵者的噪音惊吓时，它们会急忙潜入深处，将水激起黄色的泡沫，然后将自己分散到水面以下，不久，少数的头会重新出现，从鼻孔中喷出水，以吸收水。清新的口气和周围谨慎的审视；因此，我们只能看到他们的耳朵、额头、眼睛和鼻孔，当他们匆忙再次潜入水中时，需要稳定的手腕和敏捷的手来射击他们。我曾听人对它们以这种方式漂浮时的外观进行过一些比较：在我看到它们之前，一些阿拉伯人告诉我，它们看起来就像被运到河里的死树；一些阿拉伯人告诉我，它们看起来就像是被运到河里的死树；而在我看到它们之前，一些阿拉伯人告诉我，它们看起来就像是被运到河里的死树。其他人在某个国家见过猪，认为它们很像猪，但在我看来，它们在游泳时看起来更像马，它们弯曲的脖子和尖耳朵，它们的大眼睛和扩张的鼻孔，非常赞成这种比较。

晚上，它们寻找海岸，在乡村中漫步数英里，在茂密的草丛中尽情享受。在距巴加莫约镇不到四英里（金加尼河距八英里）的地方，可以看到它们宽阔的足迹。如果没有受到令人震惊的人类声音的干扰，它们常常会袭击当地耕种者丰富的玉米秆，几分钟之内，十几只它们就会对一大片玉米田造成可怕的破坏。因此，当我们在渡口耽搁时，听到玉米主人大声喊叫，就像英国脸颊红润的农民男孩把乌鸦从幼嫩的小麦上吓走时一样，我们并不感到惊讶。

与此同时，商队已经安全通过了——捆包、行李、驴子和人。我本来想在岸边扎营，为了以射杀羚羊为乐，也为了获取它们的肉，为了拯救我的山羊，我有一些山羊是我的牲畜粮食；但是，由于我的部下对河马抱有敬畏和恐惧，我被匆忙赶到巴加莫约的俾路支驻军前哨，一个叫基科卡的小村庄，距河四英里。

河的西岸比东岸有了很大的进步。平原慢慢地向上隆起，就像水源地的海滩一样平稳，一英里的距离，直到它的顶点形成一个平缓而圆润的山脊，没有出现任何困扰我们在另一边的困难。这里没有泥沼、黑泥沼泽和高大草丛的灾难，也没有散发着有毒气体的瘴气丛林；这正是人们在英国宅邸前可能看到的景象——一片高贵的草坪和草地，长满了灌木丛，足以让它变得多样化。穿过开阔的平原后，道​​路穿过一片幼小的乌木树林，那里可以看到珍珠鸡和狷羚；然后，它蜿蜒而行，带着山羊小路特有的偏心曲线，上下起伏着一连串的陆地波浪，其顶峰是深绿色的芒果叶子和稀疏浅色的巨大葫芦叶子。洼地里布满了密度不同的丛林，到处都是开阔的空地，即使在中午，也被稀疏的高耸树林遮蔽。当我们走近时，成群的绿鸽子、松鸦、朱鹮、斑鸠、红腹锦鸡、鹌鹑和黑水鸡，还有乌鸦和鹰，惊恐地逃跑了，而时不时会有一只孤独的鹈鹕展翅飞向远方。

这片生机勃勃的景象也少不了成对的羚羊和像澳大利亚袋鼠一样跳跃的猴子。后者的体型很大，有着圆圆的子弹头、白色的胸部和长长的尾巴。

我们于下午 5 点抵达基科卡，装卸了驮畜四次，穿过一个深水坑、一道泥浆闸和一条河流，行程长达 XNUMX 英里。

基科卡 (Kikoka) 的聚落是由稻草小屋组成的。不是按照任何建筑风格建造的，而是按照一种混蛋形式建造的，是由来自姆里马和桑给巴尔的懒惰定居者发明的，目的是尽可能排除屋檐和内部的阳光。水闸和一些水井为他们提供水，虽然很甜，但并不是特别有益健康或开胃，因为大量腐烂的物质被雨水冲入其中，然后在其中腐烂。为了提供耕种场所而清理附近地区的努力微不足道，但对于砍伐木材和清理丛林的艰巨任务，定居者更愿意占据一块空地，他们清除了草地，以便能够他们锄地两三英寸厚的土，把种子撒到里面，相信一定会回来。

第二天在基科卡停留。第四支商队仅由瓦尼亚姆韦齐组成，这对快速推进构成了巨大的障碍。马甘加，它的首领，想出了好几种方法向我勒索更多的布料和礼物，他所花费的钱已经比任何三个首领加起来还要多了。但他的努力除了获得奖励的承诺之外没有任何用处，如果他赶紧前往乌尼亚延贝，以便我可以找到道路畅通的话。

2（7？）日，Wanyamwezi 开始了，我们在早上 7 点就离开了营地。这个国家的性质与金加尼和基科卡公园之间的国家相同，各个方面都充满吸引力和美丽。

如果有机会的话，我提前骑马去抢肉，但我没有看到野肉或鹿肉的影子。陆波一直在我们的前方——西风——滚动，时而上升，时而下沉，彼此平行，就像放大了许多倍的犁过的田地。每条山脊都有茂密的丛林或稀疏的茂密树木，直到我们到达下一个停留地罗萨科附近，此时，单调的波浪状土地发生了变化，分裂成覆盖着茂密丛林的独立山丘。罗萨科在其中一处休息的地方，被一片坚不可摧的荆棘金合欢丛林所遮蔽。周围环绕着天然防御工事，毗邻其北部的另一个村庄，同样受到保护。在它们之间有一个极其肥沃、物产丰富的山谷，被一条小溪一分为二，小溪是山谷或周围低矮山丘的排水沟。

Rosako 是 Ukwere 的边境村庄，而 Kikoka 是 Uzaramo 的西北端。我们进入了这个村庄，并用我们的帐篷和动物占据了它的中心部分。村长把一张基坦达（kitanda）或方形轻便床架带到我的帐篷里供我使用，没有帷幔、流苏或任何多余的东西，但仍然和有它们一样舒适。牲口被卸下后立即被赶出去喂食，士兵们则开始把行李堆起来，以免在马斯卡季节来临的大雨可能造成无法挽回的损失。

我即将在非洲进行的其他实验之一是，当一只优秀的看门狗，监视那些坚持在不合时宜的时间进入我的帐篷并危及贵重物品的不礼貌的人。我特别想尝试一下它的树皮对强大的瓦戈戈的影响，某些阿拉伯人告诉我，无论你愿不愿意，瓦戈戈都会打开帐篷的门并进入。他们会因他们所激发的恐惧而咯咯地笑，并对你说：“嗨，嗨，白人，我以前从未见过像你这样的人；像你这样的人还有很多吗？你从哪里来的？”他们还会抓住你的手表，带着愉快的好奇心问你：“白人，这是做什么用的？”你当然会回答说这是为了告诉你小时和分钟。但莫戈戈对自己的能力感到自豪，而且比畜生更不礼貌，他会用侮辱性的哼哼来回答你。我想到了一只看门狗，并在孟买买了一只好狗，不仅作为忠实的伴侣，而且还威胁到这些贵族的脚后跟。

但我们到达罗萨科后不久，我们就发现这只狗失踪了，它的名字叫“奥马尔”，是土耳其血统的。他在一场暴风雨中离开了士兵并迷路了。我派马布鲁基·伯顿回基科卡寻找他。第二天早上，正当我们准备离开罗萨科时，忠实的家伙带着那只失踪的狗回来了，并在基科卡找到了它。

第二天早上我们出发前，第四商队的首领马甘加给我带来了一份令人不快的报告，说他的三个弟子病了，他想要一些“dowa”——药物。虽然我不是医生，也不是与这个职业有任何联系，但我有一个供应充足的药箱——没有它，非洲的旅行者就无法生存——以应对现在出现的这种意外情况。在拜访马甘加的病人时，我发现一名患有肺部炎症，另一名患有穆昆古鲁（非洲间歇性）。他们都想象自己快要死了，大声呼喊“妈妈！” “妈妈！”尽管他们都是成年男子。显然，第四支商队那天无法动弹，所以我吩咐马高加尽快追赶我，然后我下令自己的行军。

除了我们所经过的村庄附近外，没有任何耕种的痕迹。几个车站之间延伸的国家就像撒哈拉沙漠一样是一片荒野，尽管它拥有令人愉悦的一面。事实上，如果第一个人在创世时凝视他的世界并感知到属于非洲这一地区的美丽，他将没有理由抱怨。在茂密的草丛中，像小岛一样坐落在茂密的草海中，他可以在茂密的丛林中找到躲避正午炎热的地方，并在可怕的黑暗中为自己和配偶提供安全的退休生活。早上，他可以在倾斜的草地上散步，享受它的清新，并在脚下流淌的众多小溪之一中进行沐浴。他所需要的一切就是他的果树花园；高贵的森林深邃而凉爽，环绕着他，在树荫下行走着尽可能多的动物。日复一日，无论一个人朝任何方向行走，无论是东、西、北，他都会看到同样的景象。

尽管我真心希望赶往乌尼亚延贝，但对第四支商队运来的货物的到来仍然感到由衷的焦虑，这对我来说是一种拖累，在我的商队行进九英里之前，我的焦虑已经达到了最高点，并让我当场订购了一个营地。选址靠近一条长长的、散乱的水闸，雨季时水量充足，排水就像两个宽阔的斜坡一样。我们刚扎好营地，就用带刺的金合欢树和其他树枝堆在营地周围，搭建了一个博马，把我们的动物赶到了草地上。然后我们才意识到昆虫部落的数量和种类令人惊叹，这一度成为焦虑的另一个根源，直到对几个物种的认真检查消除了这种焦虑。

由于这是我为几种昆虫标本进行的一次最有趣的狩猎，因此我在此附上其记录，以了解其价值。我获取这些标本的目的是确定该属是否 舌苔 其中包括博物学家的采采蝇（有时称为采采蝇），包括利文斯顿、瓦尔登和古明的采采蝇，据说对马是致命的。到目前为止，我已经在东非呆了近两个月了，但还没有看到采采蝇。我的马匹并没有变得瘦弱（这是采采蝇叮咬的症状之一），而是状况有了很大改善。有三种不同种类的苍蝇在我的帐篷里寻求庇护，它们团结起来，不断地合唱——一种演奏低音低音，另一种演奏男高音，第三种演奏微弱的女低音。第一个来自一只贪婪而凶猛的苍蝇，一英寸长，腹侧吸血能力相当惊人。

这只较大的苍蝇被选为第​​一次检查，也是最激烈的一次。我允许其中一个落在我的法兰绒睡衣上，这是我在营地里穿的。刚一下车，他的屁股就翘起来了，头也低了下去，四根毛发状的武器从藏着它们的长鼻状的袋子里抽了出来，顿时我就感觉到了如同灵巧的柳叶刀般的疼痛。 -切割或细针的探针。我允许他狼吞虎咽，尽管我的耐心和自然主义的兴趣受到了极大的考验。我看到他的腹部随着食物的丰盛而膨胀，直到膨胀到原来缩小的周长的三倍，然后他带着鲜血自行飞走了。当我卷起法兰绒睡衣去看苍蝇从那里吸取液体的喷泉时，我发现它就在左膝盖上方一点，切口处有一颗深红色的珠子。擦掉血迹后，伤口就像被细针深深扎过一样，但随着苍蝇的离开，所有的疼痛都消失了。

捕捉到这只苍蝇的样本后，我接下来将其与采采蝇进行比较，正如利文斯通博士在《南非传教旅行与研究》（默里 56 年版）第 57-1868 页中所描述的那样。分歧点有很多，例如，这只苍蝇完全不可能是真正的采采蝇，尽管我的手下一致表示，它的咬伤对马和驴来说都是致命的。采采蝇的描述性摘要如下：“比普通家蝇大不了多少，颜色几乎与蜜蜂相同。身体的后部有黄色横条。它有一种奇特的嗡嗡声，被它咬一口就会导致马、牛和狗的死亡。咬伤对人没有影响，对野生动物也没有影响。当它用手喂食时，它会将长鼻分成三部分的中间尖头插入，然后将尖头稍微拉出一点，当下颌骨迅速运转时，它会呈现出深红色；被咬后会出现轻微的瘙痒刺激。”

我检查的苍蝇被当地人称为mabunga。它比普通家蝇大得多，比普通蜜蜂大三分之一，而且颜色也更明显。它的头是黑色的，带有绿色的光泽；身体的后部有一条白线，从与树干的交界处纵向延伸，这条白线的两侧各有两条线，一条是深红色的，另一条是浅棕色的。至于它的嗡嗡声，并没有什么特殊之处，可能会被误认为是蜜蜂的嗡嗡声。当被抓住时，它拼命想逃跑，但从未试图咬人。这只苍蝇和其他几十只苍蝇一起袭击了我的灰马，把它的腿咬得很痛，看上去就像是沾满了血。因此，如果我以昆虫学家的热情，让它暴露出它的咬合部分所具有的任何特性，我可能会有点报复。

为了让这只苍蝇尽可能栩栩如生地呈现在我的读者面前，我可能会将它的头部与最小的大象的头部进行比较，因为它有一个黑色的长鼻和一对角质触角，其颜色和曲线类似于象牙。然而，黑色的长鼻只是一个空心的鞘，在不咬的时候，它包裹着四把微红色的锋利的刺血针。在显微镜下，这四把柳叶刀粗细不一，两把很厚，第三把细长，而第四把却是乳白色的，几乎是透明的，非常细。最后这个一定是傻瓜。当苍蝇即将缠绕时，用两个角质触角包围该部分，将刺血针拔出，立即进行切口。我认为这是非洲的“马蝇”。

第二只苍蝇唱出男高音，其大小和描述与采采蝇更相似。它极其灵活，三个士兵花了近一个小时才捕捉到一个标本；当它最终被抓住时，它猛烈地蜇人的手，并且从未停止过攻击，直到它被钉住为止。它的身体后部有三四个白色痕迹；但这只苍蝇的叮咬部分由两条黑色触角和蛋白石色的触角组成，在颈部下方折叠起来。正要咬下去的时候，这一柱笔直射出，触角将它紧紧抱住。苍蝇死后就失去了其独特的白色标记。我们在这个营地只看到了这个物种的一种。第三种苍蝇称为“chufwa”，发出微弱的中音渐强音，比家蝇大三分之一，并且有长翅膀。如果这只昆虫唱出最微弱的音调，它肯定做了最多的工作，并造成了最大的伤害。马和驴满身是血，痛苦地直立、踢腿。它是如此坚决地在它填满之前不被驱动，所以它很容易被发送。但牛的这个可怕的敌人的数量不断增加。据当地人说，上述三种物种对牛来说是致命的。这也许就是为什么这么大片的一流牧场没有任何家畜，只有村民饲养的几只山羊的原因。我后来发现这只苍蝇是“采采蝇”。

第二天早上，我没有继续前进，而是认为等待第四支商队更为谨慎。伯顿为我对考勒榕树和桑给巴尔榕树的承诺进行了充分的实验，并等了十一个月才收到承诺的物品。因为我没想到我的差事会超过那么长的时间，所以如果我被我的商队在乌扬延贝滞留这么长时间，那将是彻底的、不可挽回的毁灭。在它到来之前，我寻求追逐的乐趣。我承认，我在打猎方面只是个新手，尽管我在美洲和波斯的平原上打过一点猎物。但我认为自己是一个公平的射击者，在比赛场地上，在距离比赛相当近的范围内，我毫不怀疑，但我可以带一些到营地。

穿过开阔的高草丛一英里后，我们到达了丛林之间的空地。在对精美的藏身之处和潜伏的角落进行了如此多的窥探之后，我在这里没有成功，我找到了一条小羚羊和狷羚经常穿过的小路，我们沿着它走。它带我进入一片丛林，然后沿着一条将丛林一分为二的水道；但是，在跟踪了一个小时之后，我迷失了方向，并且在努力原路返回时迷了路。然而，我的袖珍指南针对我很有帮助。我顺着它驶向开阔的平原，营地的中央矗立着。但这是一项非常艰苦的工作——要冲进非洲丛林，毁掉衣服，还要尝试去角质层。为了走得快，我穿上了法兰绒睡衣，脚上穿着帆布鞋。不出所料，我还没走出几步，一根金合欢树枝——这只是一百种烦恼中的一种——抓住了我睡衣右腿的膝盖处，几乎把它撕掉了。随后，一只矮胖的科尔夸尔抓住了我的肩膀，不可避免的结果是另一次撕裂。再往前几码，一株多刺的爱情植物被我睡衣另一条腿上的一道大口子弄得变形了，几乎立刻我就被一株像老鼠绳一样坚固的空心菜绊倒了，被迫在荆棘床上测量我的长度。我被迫四肢着地旅行，就像一只嗅到气味的猎犬。我的太阳能帽子每分钟磨损得越来越严重；我的皮肤越来越受伤；我的衣服每走一步都变得越来越破烂。除了这些不适之外，还有一种辛辣的植物，除了散发出强烈的气味外，还猛烈地打在我​​的脸上，留下类似于辣椒的灼烧感；丛林密闭的气氛又热又闷，汗水渗入每一个毛孔，让我的法兰绒破烂感觉就像刚刚洗过澡一样。当我终于回到平原，可以自由呼吸时，我在心里发誓，除非有最紧急的情况，否则我不会再去非洲丛林的密室了。

第二天和第三天过去了，没有马甘加的消息。因此，肖和孟买被派去千方百计催促他。第四天早上，肖尔和孟买回来了，后面跟着拖延的马甘加和他落后的人民。问题只是引来了一个借口，他的部下病得太重了，他担心在他们完全能够承受疲劳之前就消耗他们的体力。此外，他还建议，由于他们将被迫在营地多待一天，我可能会继续前往金加鲁并在那里扎营，直到他到来。根据这个建议，我离开营地，出发前往相距五英里的金加鲁。

这次行军，土地更加破碎，商队首先遇到的是丛林，给我们的车带来了不小的麻烦。皮硅石石灰岩以巨石和薄片的形式出现，我们开始想象自己正在接近健康的高地，似乎为了证实这个想法，在北部和西北部隐约可见紫色的乌多锥体，以及所有迪利马峰的最顶端，海拔约 1,500 英尺。但没过多久，就陷入了碗状山谷，长满了高大的玉米，道路稍稍从西北转向了西，乡村仍然在我们面前起伏起伏。

金加鲁村坐落在这些漫长的隆起土地之间的一处洼地中，周围的环境在疟疾和热病方面非常严重。或许是阴雨绵绵的云层，高耸的山脊和茂密的森林被阴暗笼罩，使这个地方变得比平时更加​​令人不快，但我对这个湿透的洼地的第一印象是，被那些暗淡的树林所包围，附近有深深的沟壑。里面有一滩死水，绝不是令人愉快的。

在我们安排好营地并搭起帐篷之前，马西卡季节的猛烈预兆就倾盆而下，足以浇灭我最近表现出的对东非的热情和初生的热爱。然而，尽管下着雨，我们还是继续工作，直到我们的营地完工，财产安全地存放起来，免受天气影响和小偷的侵害，我们可以无奈地看着雨滴将土壤打成非常顽强的泥浆，并在我们的土地上形成了小湖和河流。营地。

夜幕降临时，雨停了，当地人带着他们的食物从树林里的村庄涌入营地。其中最重要的是村里的苏丹——领主、酋长或村长——仿佛肩负着责任一样，他手里拿着三份马塔玛和半份大米，他带着慈父般的微笑恳求我接受。但在他微笑的面具、迷离的双眼、布满皱纹的额头下，却隐藏着最狡猾的诡计之魂。我带着这位恶棍长老的面具回答说：“金加鲁酋长称我为富有的苏丹。如果我是一位富有的苏丹，为什么酋长不带一份丰厚的礼物来给我，让他得到丰厚的回报呢？”他皱着眉头说道，“金加鲁很穷，村里没有马塔玛。”我回答说，既然村里没有马塔玛，我就付给他半个舒卡，即一码布，这正好相当于他的礼物。如果他愿意把他的小篮子称为礼物，我应该满足于称我的一码布为礼物。他很高兴对这个逻辑感到满意。

1 月 XNUMX 日——今天，探险队因桑给巴尔苏丹赛义德·布尔加什赠送的一匹灰色阿拉伯马的死亡而蒙受损失。前一天晚上我注意到这匹马很痛苦。考虑到人们经常说的，即由于采采蝇，马不能生活在非洲内陆地区，我把他打开了，检查了我认为有病的胃。除了大量未消化的马塔马和草之外，还发现了二十五条又短又粗的白色蠕虫，像水蛭一样粘在胃壁上，而肠子里几乎充满了许多白色的长蠕虫。我很满意，无论是人还是野兽，都无法在体内有如此大量腐化的生命的情况下长期存在。

为了不让死尸污染山谷，我把它深埋在距离营地大约二十码的地下。由于这样一个小事，村长金加鲁（Kingaru）引起了巨大的骚动，他和他的邻近村庄的兄弟酋长，总共有两打带垂柳的小屋，商议了最好的方法来消灭穆松古（Musungu）的村庄。梅里卡尼的一两个多蒂，最终得出了这样的信念：在没有“经您许可，先生”的情况下将一匹死马埋在他们的土壤中的行为是一个严重且可罚款的错误。他，金加鲁，对这一不可原谅的疏忽感到极大的愤慨，决定派四个年轻人去穆松古，对他说：“既然你把马埋在我的地里，那就好了;让他留在那里；但你必须付给我两点梅里卡尼。”为了得到答复，信使们被告知要对酋长说​​，如果他愿意再次屈尊到我的帐篷里拜访我，我宁愿与他面对面讨论此事。由于村子离我们的营地只有一箭之遥，所以没过几分钟，那个满脸皱纹的长者就出现在我的帐篷门口，身后跟着大约半个村子。

以下对话将有助于说明我即将与之进行一年贸易往来的人们的脾气：

白人——“你是金加鲁的伟大酋长吗？”

金加鲁——”嗯嗯。是的。”

WM——“伟大的、伟大的酋长？”

金加鲁——”嗯嗯。是的。”

WM——“你们有多少士兵？”

金鲁——“为什么？”

WM——“你们有多少战士？”

金加鲁——“没有。”

WM——“噢！我以为你可能有一千个人在你身边，只要你对一个拥有大量枪支和士兵的强壮白人进行罚款，埋葬一匹死马就可以得到两个多提。”

Kingaru（相当困惑）——“不；我没有士兵。我只有几个年轻人。”

WM——“那你为什么来闹呢？”

Kingaru——“不是我，是我。”是我的兄弟们对我说：‘过来，过来，金加鲁，看看白人做了什么！他未经你的允许就将马放到你的土地上，这难道不是侵占了你的土地吗？来吧，到他那里去看看他有什么权利。所以我才来问你，谁允许你用我的土来埋地的？”

WM “我不希望任何人允许我做正确的事。我的马死了；如果我让他在你的山谷里溃烂发臭，疾病就会降临到你的村​​庄，你的水就会变得不健康，商队也不会在这里停留进行贸易；因为他们会说：“这里不吉利，我们走吧。”但我已经说得够多了：我理解你的意思是你不想让他埋在你的土地里；我所犯的错误很容易纠正。此刻我的士兵将把他挖出来，并像以前一样覆盖土壤；马应留在他死的地方。” （然后向孟买大喊。）“嗬！孟买，带着jembes的士兵把我的马从地里挖出来，拖到他死的地方，为明天早上的行军做好一切准备。”

金加鲁的声音相当高，他的头激动地摇晃着，喊道：“阿库那，阿库那，巴那！”——“不，不，主人！别让白人生气。马死了，现在被埋葬了；让他保持这样，因为他已经在那里了，让我们再次成为朋友。”

金加鲁酋长这才回过神来，我们友好地互相道了一声“Kwaheri”，只剩下我独自思考我的损失。还不到半个小时，就到了晚上九点，营地里正处于半睡半醒的状态，这时我听到一只动物发出低沉的呻吟声。当我询问是什么动物正在受苦时，我惊讶地发现那是我的枣红马。我提着牛眼灯去看望他，发现疼痛是在胃部，但不知道是他在外面放牧时吃了什么有毒植物，还是因为某种马病引起的。他排出了大量的松散物质，但其颜色没有任何异常。显然疼痛非常剧烈，因为他的挣扎非常剧烈。我整夜没睡，希望这只是某种奇怪的有毒植物的暂时影响；但事实并非如此。但第二天早上9点，在经历了短暂的巨大痛苦之后，他也死了。正好比他的同伴晚十五个小时。当胃被打开时，发现死亡是由于一个大癌症的内部破裂造成的，癌症已经影响了他胃壁的大半部分，并且已经向喉部延伸了一两英寸。胃和肠的内容物被癌症的黄色粘稠流出物淹没。

就这样，我在短短的十五个小时内就失去了我的两匹马。然而，由于我对兽医科学的了解有限，再加上解剖两个胃所获得的实际和积极的证据，我几乎不能说马可以活到Unyanyembe，或者它们可以轻松地穿越东部的这一地区非洲。但是，如果将来有一天我有机会，我会毫不犹豫地带上四匹马，尽管我当然应该在购买之前努力确定它们是否完全健康，对于那些珍惜好马的旅行者，我会说，“尝试一下”，不要因为我不幸的经历而气馁。

1月2日、3日和XNUMX日过去了，我们没有听到或看到永远落后的第四商队的消息。与此同时，伤亡人数正在不断增加。除了失去了这段宝贵的时间之外，由于另一支商队首领的顽固不化，以及我的两匹马的损失，一个携带船具的帕奇奇抓住了机会，然后就开小差了。塞利姆因严重的疟疾和发烧而倒下，不久之后，厨师也相继倒下，然后是助理厨师兼裁缝阿卜杜勒·卡德尔（Abdul Kader）。最后，在第三天结束之前，孟买得了风湿病，乌勒迪（格兰特的老贴身男仆）喉咙肿了，扎伊迪得了流涕，金加鲁得了穆昆古鲁；卡米西 (Khamisi) 是一名帕加齐 (pagazi)，患有腰部无力。法贾拉患有胆汁热；夜幕降临前，马科维加病得很重。一支由二十五人组成的部队中，有一人开小差，十人在病名单上，金加鲁那片丑陋的街区将给我带来灾难的预感得到了证实。

4 月 XNUMX 日，在枪声和号角声的预示下，马甘加和他的人民出现了，这是这片土地上商队逼近的常见迹象。他手下的病人已经大有好转，但他们还需要在金加鲁多休息一天。下午，他来围攻我的慷慨，详细讲述了苏尔·哈吉·帕卢对他无情的欺骗；但我告诉他，自从我离开巴加莫约后，我就不能再慷慨了。我们现在所处的土地上布料的溢价很高。我所拥有的布料并不多于为自己和他人提供食物所需的数量；他和他的商队比我拥有的任何三个商队花费了更多的金钱和麻烦，事实确实如此。对于这个反驳，他不得不感到满意。但我再次解决了他的金钱疑虑，并承诺，如果他赶紧把他的车队赶到乌尼亚延贝，他就没有理由抱怨。

5 月 XNUMX 日，第四支商队在我们的前方消失了一次，我们得到了公平的保证：无论我们追赶的速度有多快，我们都不会在辛巴姆文尼的这边看到他们。

第二天早上，为了让我的人民从他们陷入的令人作呕的麻木状态中醒来，我用铁勺在锡锅上敲打着令人振奋的警报，暗示着一场索法里即将开始。从反响异常热烈来看，这取得了非常好的效果。太阳升起之前我们就出发了。金加鲁村的村民以鹰般的速度搜寻我们留下的破布或垃圾。

前往因比基的十五英里长行军证明，我们在金加鲁的长期停留已经彻底挫伤了我的士兵和传教士的士气。只有少数人有足够的力量在天黑之前到达因比基。其他人则照顾着驮着驮着的驴子，第二天早上他们就出现了，他们的身心都处于一种可悲的状态。卡米西（Khamisi）——那个腰部软弱的帕奇——已经逃走了，带走了两只山羊、财产帐篷和乌勒迪的全部个人财富，其中包括他来访的dish-dasheh——一件阿拉伯图案的长衬衫，重10磅。几串珠子和一些精美的布料，这些都是乌勒迪慷慨地托付给他的，当时他负责搬运 70 磅的货物。布布珠。这种诽谤不容忽视，也不应允许卡米西在不努力逮捕他的情况下返回。因此，当我们在因比基休息时，乌莱迪和费拉吉被派去追击，以便给疲惫不堪的士兵和牲畜有时间招募新兵。

8日，我们继续赶路，到达姆苏瓦。这次行军将被我们的商队铭记为最疲惫的一次，尽管距离只有十英里。这是一片连绵不断的丛林，除了三片狭窄的林间空地之外，这让我们在丛林旅行的艰巨任务中喘息了三次。倒下的植物散发出的气味是如此恶臭，如此刺鼻，腐烂的植物散发出的瘴气如此浓烈，我每时每刻都希望看到自己和人们因急性发烧而倒下。幸运的是，装卸经常掉落的包裹并没有带来这种麻烦。七名士兵要照顾十七头驮着货物的驴子，在穿越丛林时，这个数字实在是太少了。因为虽然小路只有一英尺宽，但两边都长满了带刺的植物和攀缘植物，突出的树枝横穿其上，尖刺的树枝结成硬邦邦的钉子，随时准备抓住并抓住四英尺以上的任何东西就高度而言，可以合理地假设，站立四英尺高的驴子，在捆包之间装载四英尺长的负载，会遭受不幸。这种悲痛在这里经常出现，导致我们每隔几分钟就停下来重新安排。这项任务执行得如此频繁，以至于工人们完全灰心丧气，必须在开始工作前严厉地吩咐。当我到达姆苏瓦时，除了小马布鲁克之外，没有人和我以及我赶的十头驴子在一起，他虽然通常很冷漠，但像一个男人一样坚持工作。孟买和乌莱迪远远落后，驴子最疲惫。肖负责管理这辆马车，他的经历是最痛苦的，因为他告诉我，他已经用掉了水手们熟知的一整套猛烈辱骂的词汇，以及他临时发明的一个新词汇。他直到第二天凌晨两点才到达，已经筋疲力尽了。

在姆苏瓦又安排了一次停留，以便我们和我们的动物可以康复。村里的村长是个白人，除了肤色以外，什么都没有，他给我和我的羊群送来了他羊群中最肥的宽尾羊，还有五斗马塔马谷物。羊肉非常棒，难以接近。作为他及时而必要的礼物，我给了他两点，并展示了温彻斯特步枪的奇妙机制和我的后装左轮手枪，逗他开心。

他和他的人民足够聪明，能够理解这些武器在紧急情况下的用途，并以富有表现力的哑剧方式展示了他们拥有的力量，通过用想象中的枪伸出手臂并描述了清晰的圆圈。 “确实，”他们说，“瓦松古人比瓦森西人聪明得多。他们有什么头脑！他们创造出多么美妙的东西啊！看看他们的帐篷，他们的枪，他们的计时器，他们的衣服，还有那辆载着五个以上人的滚动小东西（推车），——啊！”

10日，从上次行军的过度劳累中恢复过来的商队在热情好客的村民的陪同下从姆苏瓦出发，直到他们的木桩防御，受到了他们一致的“夸赫里”。村外的行军预计不会像因比基和姆苏瓦之间那样艰苦。穿过一片美丽的小平原，中间有一条干涸的沟壑或米托尼，这条路有几块耕地，耕耘者一眨不眨地盯着我们，仿佛着迷似的。

不久之后，我们就看到了世界上一些地方常见的景象，那就是一伙奴隶，正在向东行进。奴隶们并没有表现出任何沮丧，相反，他们似乎充满了马丁·查兹勒维特的快乐仆人的哲学快乐。如果没有他们的锁链，很难辨别主人和奴隶；相貌特征很相似——我们被认为温和的仁慈在每个人的脸上都同样明显。铁链很重——它们可能用来囚禁大象；但由于奴隶们只携带自己，所以他们的重量不可能无法承受。

这次行军中丛林很少，虽然在某些地方狼群遇到了意外，但并没有严重阻碍前进。上午 10 点，我们抵达营地，周围是一片壮丽的绿色草地和森林，万里无云的天空。我们再次在荒野中扎营，按照商队的惯例，鸣响了两声枪，警告任何有粮食出售的瓦森人，我们愿意进行交易。

我们的下一个停留地是基塞莫，距姆苏瓦仅十一英里，这是一个位于人口稠密地区的村庄，附近有不少于五个其他村庄，每个村庄都有木桩和带刺的阿巴蒂斯加固，具有强烈的独立性，就好像他们的村庄一样。小领主有很多珀西和道格拉斯。每个都位于一个山脊或一个低矮的山丘之上，带有一种公鸡自粪堆类型的反抗假设。在这些不起眼的高地和低矮的山脊之间，蜿蜒着狭窄的山谷，有利于种植马塔马和印度玉米。村庄后面流淌着安格伦格里河（Ungerengeri River），在马斯卡季节，这条河水流湍急，能够漫过陡峭的河岸，但在旱季，它就会恢复正常状态，成为一条清澈甘甜的小溪。从基塞莫出发，其航向为西南，然后为东；它是金加尼河的主要支流。

基塞莫的美女们以黄铜丝的虚荣心而闻名，铜丝在她们的手腕和脚踝上缠绕成螺旋状，以及她们的硬毛头表现出的各种风格；而他们可怜的领主却不得不满足于脏兮兮的破烂的拳头和裂开的耳朵，这表明阿斯莫蒂斯对这个陆地领域有多么大的影响力——因为当被困的丈夫们最终在他们的配偶面前屈服时，这一定是一个不愉快的时刻。除了四肢上的黄铜饰物和各种发型风格外，基塞莫的妇女还经常佩戴长项链，颜色如河流般顺着她们的身体流淌。

很少有比这些穿着华丽的女性为自己和家人磨玉米的家常而必要的工作更滑稽的画面了。研磨装置由两部分组成：其一是一根约六英尺长的粗硬木杆，相当于杵；其二是一根长约六英尺的粗木杆，相当于杵。另一个是一个宽敞的木臼，高三英尺。

在搭建帐篷时，肖不得不移动一块扁平的小石头，将钉子钉入地面。村长见他这么做，气喘吁吁地冲了上去，立刻将石头放回原位，然后威风凛凛地站在上面，足见对那块石头和位置的重视。孟买看到肖站在那儿，一言不发地对此感到惊讶，便主动询问酋长发生了什么事。酋长手指向下，郑重地回答：“乌甘加！”于是我恳求他让我看看石头下面有什么。他以一种令人感动的仁慈答应了。看到一根削尖的小棍子，我的好奇心得到了满足，它把一只昆虫牢牢地钉在地上，而这正是村里一位年轻女性流产的原因。

下午，被派去追捕逃学的卡米西的乌莱迪和费拉吉带着他和所有失踪的物品回来了。卡米西离开道路，冲进丛林后不久，他在精神上为自己的战利品而得意，遇到了一些总是对掉队者进行掠夺的瓦森西人，他们毫不客气地被带到了他们在树林里的村庄。 ，并绑在树上准备被杀。卡米西说，他问他们为什么把他绑起来，他们回答说，他们要杀了他，因为他是姆格瓦纳人，他们习惯一被捕就杀掉他。但乌莱迪和费拉吉来到现场后不久，他们全副武装，声称卡米西是从穆松古营地潜逃的异教徒，并声称他拥有被捕时拥有的所有物品，从而结束了关于卡米西命运的争论。 。强盗们并没有对与他一起发现的帕奇、山羊、帐篷或任何其他贵重物品提出异议，但暗示他们因逮捕他而应得到奖励。考虑到这个要求是公正的，奖励是两个多提和一个丰多，或者十串珠子项链。

卡米西因逃兵和抢劫未遂而被赦免，除非先受到惩罚。在加入我的行列之前，他曾在巴加莫约要求预付 5 美元，并已收到，并让他携带一车布布珠子，重量不比帕加齐斯的负载重；因此，他没有任何借口开小差。然而，为了避免我在惩罚他时过于谨慎，我召集了一个由八名牧师和四名士兵组成的法庭进行审判，并请他们就应该采取的措施向我做出决定。他们一致裁定，他犯下了万尼亚姆韦齐传教士中几乎不为人知的罪行，而且可能会给万尼亚姆韦齐携带者带来坏名声，因此他们判处他用“大师的”驴鞭鞭打他，这是因此，可怜的卡米西悲痛欲绝。

12 日，商队抵达安格伦格里河 (Ungerengeri) 河畔的穆苏迪 (Mussoudi)。幸运的是，我们耐心的驴子在这次行军中没有遇到丛林中所有烦人的麻烦。我们自己也很高兴，因为我们不再需要照顾背包和在晚上之前到达营地的焦虑。这些背包一旦牢牢地放在我们好驴子的背上，离开基塞莫后不久，它们就行进营地——路况很好——没有任何位移，也没有任何不耐烦的话语。美丽的景色，在其野生自然中光彩夺目，散发​​着无数的花朵和各种芳香的灌木，其中我认出了野生鼠尾草，靛蓝植物等，仅止于基拉峰和姐妹锥山脚下，它标志着宇多江和宇上之间的边界，但相距二十英里。远处的群山与这幅开阔的平原、森林和倾斜的草坪的壮丽图画形成了恰到好处的背景——蓝色的山峦有足够的风景如画和崇高，使之成为一个完整的整体。假设拜伦看到其中一些场景，他会倾向于这样写诗：

黎明破晓，随之而来的是严峻的乌多山、黑暗乌鲁古姆的岩石和基拉的山峰， 半身笼罩在薄雾中，布满了各种小溪， 排列成许多暗褐色和紫色的条纹。

当靠近Ungerengeri山谷时，花岗岩的突起和耀眼的石英突起在微红色的土壤上露出了头。沿着这些岩石突出的山脊走下去，我们发现自己身处Ungerengeri的黑貂壤土沉积物中，在茂密的甘蔗田、马塔马田、印度玉米田、穆霍戈田以及种植咖喱、鸡蛋和黄瓜的花园中。安格伦杰里河岸上香蕉茂盛，高出香蕉七十多英尺，矗立着庄严的姆帕拉穆西，它的美丽可与波斯切纳尔和阿比西尼亚飞机相媲美。它的树干笔直而漂亮，足以作为一级护卫舰的主桅，而其不断扩大的叶冠因其密度和鲜艳的绿色而与众不同。这里有二十多种较大的树木，它们的枝条延伸得很远，拥抱着狭窄而湍急的河流。山谷的洼地和河边的地方长满了虎草和僵硬的芦苇的幼林。

穆苏迪的海拔高于村庄的平均水平，因此俯视着一百多位邻居。它是乌克维尔的西端。瓦卡米（Wakami）领地始于安格伦格里河（Ungerengeri）西岸。有一天，我们不得不在穆苏迪停下来，因为那里的贫困使我们无法采购所需的粮食。在如此肥沃、人口稠密的山谷中，造成这种匮乏的原因是，在我们之前的众多商队为上行而大量消耗了他们的物资。

14 日，我们跨过安格伦盖里河，这条河在这里向南流向山谷的南端，在那里向东弯曲，直至基塞莫。在这里过河后，我们随时可以涉水，宽度只有二十码，我们又走了一英里的山谷，那里的土壤过于潮湿，杂草丛生。然后，它上升到更高的海拔，穿过一片长着姆帕拉穆西、罗望子、柽柳、金合欢和盛开的含羞草的森林。这次上升持续了两个小时，当我们站在最大山脊的脊椎上时，我们可以自由地看到下面树木繁茂的平原和远处基塞莫的山脊，我们最近才离开。几百英尺的下降终止于一个深而干燥的带有沙床的米托尼，在沙床的另一边我们必须重新获得失去的海拔，一个类似的国家出现在我们的视野中，直到我们发现了一个新建造的博马精心建造的草屋后面有一个水池，我们立刻把它当作过夜的地方。马车给我们带来了很大的麻烦。即使是我们最强壮的驴子，尽管它可以轻松地背负 196 磅的重量，也无法拉动仅 225 磅的车。重量。

15 日一早，我们就离开营地，出发前往 Mikeseh。上午 8.30 分，我们登上了基拉峰 (Kira Peak) 的南坡。当我们到达比周围国家高出两百英尺的高度时，我们欣喜地看到了这片土地上没有安息日的壮丽景色。

穿过紧邻基拉南坡的山脊后，我们再次下降到 Kiwrima 小山谷，这是我们在 Udoe 遇到的第一个定居点，那里总是有充足的水源。基维马 (Kiwrima) 以西两英里处是米基塞 (Mikiseh)。

16日，经过几个小时的行军，我们到达了乌拉加拉。乌拉加拉 (Ulagalla) 是一个地区或地区的一部分的名称，位于乌鲁古鲁山脉和乌多山脉之间，乌鲁古鲁山脉将其向南延伸，乌多山脉向北与它们平行，但相距仅十英里。由此形成的盆地的主要部分称为乌拉加拉。

Muhalleh 是下一个定居点，在这里我们发现自己身处瓦塞古哈 (Waseguhha) 的领地。在这次行军中，我们被群山包围——左边是乌鲁古鲁的山，右边是乌多和乌塞古哈的山——在经历了迄今为止我们所看到的长英里单调的水平之后，这对我们来说是最令人愉快和欢迎的变化。当我们厌倦了向路两旁的森林深处看去时，我们不得不仰望山脚，注意它的奇树异花，我们不得不抬起头来。我们的头脑通过观察山脉绵长而蜿蜒的脊椎来改变这种令人愉快的职业，并在心里报告它们的轮廓、山刺、突起和沟壑、凸出的岩石和深深的裂缝，尤其是深绿色的树林衣服他们从山顶到基地。当我们不需要注意观察驴群的平凡任务，或者小心翼翼地行走的帕加齐的步伐时，观看蒸气在山顶上玩耍是令人欣慰的 - 看到它们折叠成羊毛冠和奇妙的星团，消散，聚集成一片即将下雨的云雾，然后在灿烂的阳光下再次扬帆远航。

在穆哈莱，有马甘加领导的第四支商队，还有另外三个病人，当我走近时，他们用热切的目光转向我，“药品的分配者”。小武器齐射迎接我，一份大米和烤印度玉米穗的礼物正在等待我接受。但是，正如我告诉马甘加的那样，我更愿意听到他的队伍领先八到十步。在这个营地，我们还遇到了萨利姆·本·拉希德，他率领着一支载有三百颗象牙的庞大商队向东行驶。这位善良的阿拉伯人除了用大米作为礼物欢迎新来的人之外，还告诉了我有关利文斯顿的消息。他在乌吉吉遇见了那位老旅人，在隔壁住了两个星期，形容他看起来很老，留着长长的灰白胡须，刚从重病中恢复过来，看上去很憔悴；完全康复后，利文斯顿打算取道马伦古访问一个叫曼耶玛的国家。

穆哈勒 (Muhalleh) 所在的安格伦格里 (Ungerengeri) 山谷展现出极好的肥沃程度。它的马塔马作物是最高的，它的印度玉米可以与阿肯色州底部有史以来最好的作物相媲美。众多的山间溪流使得大片的壤土变得非常稀薄，导致我们在到达营地之前就发生了一些事故，比如湿布、发霉的茶、浇水的糖和生锈的工具；但及时关注这些必要的事情使我们避免了巨大的损失。

与迄今为止所见的瓦多人、瓦卡米人和瓦克维尔人相比，瓦塞古哈人的举止和举止略有不同。到目前为止，我们一直高兴地注意到的那种礼貌完全没有：他们明确表示愿意以物易物，同时还无礼地暗示我们应该以他们自己的价格购买他们的产品。如果我们提出抗议，他们就会生气；如果我们提出抗议，他们就会生气。他们激烈反驳，不耐烦反对，勃然大怒，油嘴滑舌地威胁。这种奇怪的行为与冷静而温和的瓦克韦尔的行为截然相反，通过比较头脑发热的希腊人与冷静镇定的德国人的举止，可以很好地说明这一点。出于需要，我们不得不购买他们的食物，并且，为了国家及其产品的信誉，据说，他们的蜂蜜具有著名的希美特斯蜂蜜的独特味道。

沿着Ungerengeri的纬度山谷，第二天早上不到两个小时，我们就近距离地经过了乌塞古哈首府辛巴姆文尼的城墙下。我们第一次看到乌鲁古鲁山脉西麓的城墙小镇，这里的山谷非常美丽，有两条河流浇灌，还有几条清澈的溪流，由露水和周围云雾缭绕的高地蒸馏而成。预计不会在东非见面。在波斯马赞德兰，这样的场景符合我们的预期，但在这里却完全出乎意料。该镇人口约 3,000 人，拥有约 1,000 间房屋；由于如此拥挤，也许 5,000 人更接近。镇上的房屋明显是非洲风格，但建筑类型最好。防御工事采用阿拉伯波斯模式——将阿拉伯的整洁与波斯的规划相结合。在波斯骑行 950 英里的过程中，除了辛巴姆文尼以外，我从未遇到过比辛巴姆温尼防御更坚固的大城市。在波斯，即使是卡斯温、德黑兰、伊斯帕罕和设拉子的防御工事也是用泥土建造的。 Simbamwenni 的枪是石头制成的，上面有两排火枪射击孔。城镇面积约半平方英里，平面呈四边形。精心建造的石塔守护着每个角落；四扇门，一扇面向每个基点，位于几座塔楼之间，允许居民进出。大门是用非洲柚木制成的实心方形门关闭的，上面雕刻着阿拉伯人极其精细和复杂的装置，由此我怀疑这些门要么是在桑给巴尔制作的，要么是在海岸上制作的，并用木板一块一块地运送到辛巴姆文尼;然而，由于巴加莫约和辛巴姆文尼之间有很多交流，因此这种华丽工艺的作者很可能是当地工匠，因为在最大的房屋中可以看到几扇以相同方式凿刻和雕刻的门，尽管不是那么精致。苏丹的宫殿仿照沿海宫殿的风格，长斜屋顶，宽檐，前面有游廊。

苏丹娜是著名的基萨本戈 (Kisabengo) 的长女，基萨本戈因其绑架倾向而在乌多埃 (Udoe)、乌卡米 (Ukami)、乌奎雷 (Ukwere)、金加鲁 (Kingaru)、乌奎尼 (Ukwenni) 和基兰加瓦纳 (Kiranga-Wanna) 等邻国声名狼藉。基萨本戈是另一个小规模的西奥多。他出身卑微，因其个人力量、长篇大论的能力、有趣而多才多艺的演讲而享有盛誉，从而在逃亡奴隶中获得了巨大的优势，并被选为他们中的领袖。他逃离了桑给巴尔苏丹等待着他的正义，到达了乌卡米，当时乌卡米从乌奎雷一直延伸到乌萨加拉，在这里他开始了征服生涯，其结果是瓦卡米的割让。位于安格伦格里山谷中的一大片肥沃的土地。在最理想的地点，河流在城墙下流淌，他建造了自己的首都，并将其命名为辛巴姆文尼（Simbamwenni），意思是“狮子”或最强大的城市。这位成功的强盗和绑匪在晚年将他的名字“基萨本戈”(Kisabengo) 改名为“辛巴姆文尼”(Simbamwenni)，这个名字已经声名狼藉，以他所在的城镇命名。临死时，他希望自己的大女儿继承他的王位，并将这座城镇的名字也授予了她，苏丹娜辛巴姆文尼 (Simbamwenni) 现在保留了这个名字，并以此为人所知。

正如我之前所说，在穿过一条靠近城墙的急流时，辛巴姆文尼的居民有一个很好的机会满足他们的好奇心，看到“伟大的穆松古”，他的几支商队已经在他之前，并且不可原谅的是，因为未经许可，散布了有关他拥有巨大财富和权力的报道。因此，我成了众人目光的对象。一次，在河岸上，有相当多的一千多当地人正在经历动词“凝视”的几种时态和语气，或者表现出实​​质性的每一个阶段，即凝视，专横的，无礼的，狡猾的，狡猾的，谦虚的，又休闲。苏丹的战士们，一手持矛、弓、捆或火枪，与另一只各自的朋友拥抱，就像尼苏斯和欧里亚罗斯、忒修斯和皮里托斯、达蒙和皮提亚斯、阿喀琉斯和帕特罗克洛斯的许多模型一样。 ，他们秘密地向他们表达了他们对我的着装和颜色的不同意见。 “Musungu kuba”这个词对这些人来说就像花衣魔笛手的音乐对哈梅林的老鼠一样有魅力，因为它们从城墙内吸引了如此多的人口穿过河流。当我继续前往四英里之外的安格伦格里时，我担心在我摆脱它们之前，哈梅林的灾难可能会重演。但幸运的是，让我安心的是，他们终于在烈日下证明了自己的无敌，而且我们还要去扎营的距离。

由于我们必须检修行李，修理马鞍，还要给几只动物看病，此时它们的背已经变得非常酸痛，所以我决定在这里停留两天。辛巴姆文尼的食物也非常充足，尽管价格相对昂贵。

第二天，我第一次意识到，我在阿肯色州的疟疾繁殖沼泽地所适应的环境对东非的穆昆古鲁来说是无能为力的。上午 10 点，我的系统中感受到了非洲型的先兆症状。首先，普遍感到疲倦，有嗜睡的倾向；其次是脊椎疼痛，从腰部开始，沿着脊椎骨，绕着肋骨延伸，直到肩部，在那里变成一种疲倦的疼痛。三是浑身发冷，很快就感到头重脚轻，太阳穴跳动，视线模糊，一切视线都扭曲变形。这种情况一直持续到晚上 10 点，穆昆古鲁才离开了我，我的力气已经耗尽了。

袭击发生后连续三个早晨使用的补救措施，就像我在阿肯色州的经历告诉我的那样，这是最有效的纠正措施，即，服用十五粒奎宁，分三剂服用，每次五粒。从黎明到正午的其他时间——前一天晚上睡前服用的泻药初效后立即服用的第一剂。我可以补充一点，这种治疗对于我的病例以及在我的营地中发生的所有其他病例来说都是非常成功的。在穆昆古鲁宣布自己的身份后，经过这样的对待，至少在几天后，人们不再担心第二次袭击。

第三天，辛巴姆温尼苏丹殿下的大使访问了营地，他们作为她的代表前来接受贡品，她认为自己有足够的权力来执行。但他们和 Simbamwenni 夫人都被告知，据我们所知，他们的习惯是向商队主人收取一笔贡品，而且他们记得 Musungu（法夸尔）已经缴纳了税款，所以我应该向商队主人收取一笔贡品，这是不公平的。再次付款。大使们回答说“Ngema”（很好），并承诺将我的回答带回给他们的女主人。尽管事实上这绝不是“很好”，但正如在后续章节中将看到的那样，雌性辛巴姆文尼如何利用我的厄运来支付自己的钱。至此，我结束了我们穿越该海域期间所经历的事件的章节。

绝望的山谷，疟疾的温床。——无数的
害虫。——马卡塔沼泽。——捕捉害虫的悲伤经历
逃兵。——广阔的前景。——威廉的病
法夸尔。-乌甘博湖。—一片充满希望的土地。—伟大的
Kisesa.——蠼螋瘟疫。

我们发现从巴加莫约到辛巴姆文尼的距离为 119 英里，需要 150 次行军才能完成。但是，由于马西卡季节带来的困难，尤其是马甘加率领的第四支商队的落后，这些行军延长了二十九天，因此使我们的进展确实非常缓慢——但距离只有四英里多一点——天。根据我在旅途中所看到的情况，我推断，如果没有生病的瓦尼亚姆韦齐搬运工的阻碍，我本可以在十六天内走完这段路程。因为事实证明，并不是驴子对我的信心犹豫不决；而是它们。它们是可怜的动物，负重 1,000 磅。每艘船都以一流的顺序抵达 Simbamwenni；但贪婪和懒惰的马甘加和他那体弱多病的部族却经常生病。在干燥的天气里，行军的次数可能会大大减少。在沿着这条路线进行这次探险之前，大约有六名阿拉伯人，其中两人在八天内完成了整个距离。从对这个国家的简短描述中，随着它日益扩大到我们的视野，我们可以收集到足够的信息，让读者对它有一个公平的了解。 Simbamwenni 的海拔高度不会超过 85 英尺，土地的上升是缓慢的。正值雨季，那些不了解这个国家性质的人向我们散布了许多不祥的言论，我们自然看到了它最糟糕的一面；但是，即使在这个不利的阶段，尽管有深深的黑泥，过多的露水，滴水而寒冷的草，茂密的丛林和发烧，我仍然高兴地回顾这一场景，因为那里的财富它向某个文明国家许诺繁荣，在未来的某个时候，这些国家将会到来并占领它。从巴加莫约到辛巴姆文尼的铁路的建造可能与联合太平洋铁路一样容易和迅速，而且成本远低于联合太平洋铁路，后者日复一日地快速完成，全世界都听说过并钦佩。在非洲的这个地区，在实施了彻底的排水系统之后，居住不会比占领新土地时更不舒服。这个季节白天的气温从未超过 XNUMX 华氏度。夜晚很宜人——没有毯子遮盖太冷了；就辛巴姆文尼而言，他们没有在内布拉斯加州和堪萨斯大草原上可怕的害虫——蚊子。据我所知，对定居者来说唯一的烦恼就是马本古（马蝇）的凶猛。已经描述过的chufwa等人，在茂密的森林和丛林被清除之前，肯定会使饲养家畜变得无利可图。

出乎意料的是，探险队在两天后未能出发。第三天和第四天在令人沮丧的Ungerengeri山谷里过得很悲惨。正如我们悲伤地经历的那样，这条河在旱季时很小，但在马西卡期间却变得相当水量和力量。它是通往二十座山峰和两座绵长山脉的排水沟。它沿着山脚蜿蜒而行，是在阳光照射下闪烁的瀑布的接受者，也是所有明渠和峡谷的接受者，这些使长长的山坡正面变得如此崎岖和不规则，直到它滑入 Simbamwenni 山谷。巨大的水域，对无法建造桥梁的商队构成严重障碍；除此之外，还有连绵不绝的倾盆大雨——这种雨把人们关在室内，让他们感到痛苦和不友善——一场真正的伦敦雨——一场永远伴随着薄雾和雾气的毛毛细雨。当太阳照耀时，它看起来只是一个苍白的图像，而古老的传教士，在他们的传统中作为老捕鲸船长，对这个沉闷的幽灵不祥地摇了摇头，并宣称雨是否会停止三周是值得怀疑的。

安格伦盖里河对岸的商队营地是疟疾的温床，目击者的目击令人不快——这在记忆中是令人厌恶的。一代又一代的传教士的污秽聚集了无数的爬行动物。黑、白、红蚂蚁大军出没于受灾土壤；各种颜色的蜈蚣，像蠕虫一样，爬过灌木和植物；灌木丛中悬挂着黄头蜂的蜂窝状巢穴，它们的毒刺与蝎子一样有害。巨大的甲虫，如成年老鼠般大，在地面上滚出粪堆；地面上充斥着各种各样、形状、大小和颜色的害虫。简而言之，最丰富的昆虫学收藏在种类和数量上都无法与我帐篷的四壁从早到晚围起来的物种竞争。

第五天早上，即23月5日，大雨给了我们几个小时的喘息时间，在此期间我们设法涉过散发着恶臭的斯泰吉亚泥潭，来到了被淹没的河岸。士兵们早上 70 点就开始通过一座最简陋的桥将行李从一家银行运送到另一家银行。只有无知的非洲人才会满足于它作为穿越又深又急的水域的手段的小用处。即使对于脚步轻盈的万亚姆维齐传教士来说，穿越这条路也绝不舒服。只有专业的走钢丝表演者才能轻松地扛过重物。要穿越非洲桥梁，首先需要从陆地跳到树干（可能被水覆盖，也可能不被水覆盖），然后再跳上岸。 XNUMX 磅。背上的重量，承运人发现这已经够困难的了。有时，他会借助几乎每棵树上都挂着的长旋花临时制作的绳索来帮助他，但并非总是如此，这些被瓦森西人认为是多余的。

所幸的是，行李转运没有发生任何意外，尽管水流湍急，驴子们还是奋力拼搏，奋力拖过洪水，没有造成人员伤亡。这场穿越安格伦杰里河的表演足足花了五个小时，尽管对于一支军队来说，精力、虐待和愤怒已经足够消耗了。

重新装好东西，拧干衣服后，我们从臭气熏天、肮脏不堪的可怕的河边出发，沿着一条通向平坦平坦地面的道路向北出发。这样我们就避开了左边的两座突兀的山丘，过了它们之后，我们就看不到那可恶的山谷了。

我总是发现自己在旅行时比在营地里焦躁不安、延误时更舒服和轻松，这是任何努力都无法避免的，因此我担心有些东西在行军时可能会比它们的外表或优点适当地着色一些。保证。但我认为眼前的景色比辛巴姆文尼山谷的景色宜人得多，那里的土地肥沃得难以形容。这是一系列的空地，在幼树丛之间一个接一个地开放，远处被孤立的山峰和分散的山脉包围着。当我们爬上低矮的山峰时，我们时不时地看到蓝色的乌萨加拉山脉，它在西边和北边与地平线接壤，俯视之间是一片广阔的平原。

在长长的山坡脚下，有泉水和山溪滋润着我们，我们发现了一个舒适的坎比，里面有精心制作的小屋，当地人称之为辛博。它位于Ungerengeri 过境点西北方向仅两小时或五英里处。地面布满岩石，主要由不断流淌的石英碎屑组成。这些附近生长着竹子，最粗的直径约为两英寸半。 “myombo”是一种非常匀称的树，树干干净，像白蜡树一样；“imbite”有大而肉质的叶子，如“mtamba”、悬铃木、李子树、“ugaza”、ortamarisk和“ mgungu”是一种树，有几根宽大的树枝，叶子小，聚集在一起，还有丝棉树。

虽然辛博坎比看不到任何村庄或定居点，但在山峦叠嶂中却聚集了几个村庄或定居点，居住着瓦塞古哈人，有些容易发生不诚实行为和谋杀。

从Ungerengeri和Simbo之间的高处可以看到那片长长的、宽阔的平原，现在就在我们面前，后来在悲伤的记忆中被称为马卡塔山谷。最初的行军是从辛博出发，终点站是位于乌萨加拉山脉脚下的雷恩内科（Rehenneko），相距六行军。山谷以宽阔的起伏开始，覆盖着沿着溪流茂密生长的幼小的竹林、矮小的扇形棕榈、庄严的巴尔米拉和姆贡古。这些起伏很快就被含水的沟壑所打破，滋养着茂密的芦苇和阔叶草，从这个地区出现，宽阔的大草原覆盖着高高的草丛，随处可见一棵孤立的树，愉快地打破了单调。的场景。马卡塔是一片荒野，广阔的土地上只有一个瓦塞古哈村庄。因此，森林丛中盛产鹿肉，捻角羚、狷羚、羚羊和斑马在黎明时分出现在开阔的大草原上觅食。晚上，鬣狗会发出可怕的叫声，四处游荡，寻找熟睡的猎物，无论是人还是野兽。

稀树草原的泥泞使得行军变得非常困难。它对脚的顽强控制对人和动物来说都是可怕的。十英里的行军需要十个小时，因此我们被迫在这片荒野中央扎营，并建造了一个新的坎比，这一措施后来被六支商队采用。

马车直到接近午夜才到达，除了三四辆破烂的报纸外，还带着悲伤的故事来到孟买，载着他的货物——包括财产帐篷、一把大美国斧头、他的两件制服外套。 ，他的衬衫，珠子和布，火药，手枪和斧头——放在地上，去帮助马车摆脱泥潭，他回到了他放置它的地方，找不到它，他相信一些偷窃的瓦森西人总是潜伏在商队的后面去抓掉队的人，他们带着它逃走了。在黑色的午夜告诉我的那个悲惨的故事根本没有受到仁慈的对待，而是用最愤怒的话语，所有这些都被悔罪的船长视为他应得的。我勃然大怒，向他列举了他的罪行。他在穆哈勒失去了一只山羊，他允许卡米西带着宝贵的财产在因比基逃亡。他经常犯下严重的疏忽，没有照顾好驴子，在晚上没有看到它们有水的情况下就允许它们被拴起来，而在早上，当即将行军时，他宁愿睡到七点，也不愿喝水。早起备好驴，六点就出发；他最近表现出了对火的极大热爱，像一个没有血色的人一样畏缩在火前，麻木而冷漠。现在，在马斯卡季节中期，他失去了财产帐篷，一不小心，布包就会腐烂，变得毫无价值。他把我在乌吉吉想要用来建造我的船的斧头弄丢了。最后，他丢了一把手枪、一把斧子，以及一瓶最好的火药。考虑到所有这些事情，他完全没有能力担任队长，我会把他从他的职位上降级，并任命马布鲁基·伯顿代替。乌勒迪也效仿孟买的榜样，不再担任第二连长，今后不再向任何士兵下达命令，而自己应该服从马布鲁基的命令——所说的马布鲁基相当于一打孟买和两打乌勒迪；于是他被打发走了，并命令他在白天返回去寻找帐篷、斧头、手枪、火药和斧头。

第二天早上，车队因前一天的劳累而疲惫不堪，不得不停下来。丢失货物后发往孟买；金加鲁、大马布鲁基和小马布鲁基被派去带回相当于三点的粮食，我们就靠这些粮食在荒野中生存。

三天过去了，我们仍在营地里，带着极大的耐心等待着士兵们的归来。与此同时，粮食供应非常不足，无法采购到任何猎物，鸟儿也变得如此狂野。两天的射击只收获了两盆鸟，包括松鸡、鹌鹑和鸽子。孟买搜寻失踪财产后未果而归，蒙受了深深的耻辱。

第四天，我派肖尔带着另外两名士兵去看看金加鲁和两个马布鲁基人的情况。夜幕降临时，他完全瘫倒在地，遭受了疟疾的猛烈袭击。但要带上失踪的士兵，让他们自己去报告。

我们带着万分感激的心情离开了营地，在那里我们遭受了如此多的心灵焦虑和烦躁，没有注意到一场猛烈的大雨，这场大雨把我们淋湿了一夜，在其他情况下可能会在一定程度上浇灭我们行军的热情。第一英里的道路通向微红色的地面，东西两侧的缓坡排水。但是，离开友好的树林，我们在其东边耽搁了很长时间，我们进入了一片大草原，雨中的土壤像泥浆一样柔软，又像厚厚的砂浆一样坚韧，在那里我们都受到了威胁著名的阿肯色州旅行者的命运，他在阿肯色州的众多泥潭之一中陷得很深，除了他那顶高高的“烟斗”帽子外，什么也看不见。

肖病了，驾驶这支正在沉没的商队的全部责任就落在了我身上。万亚姆韦齐的驴子陷在泥沼里，就像生了根一样。当一个人从他顽固的位置上被鞭打时，另一个人就跌入了深渊，给我带来了西西弗斯式的劳动，这是令人发狂的商人倾盆大雨，在孟买和乌莱迪等人的协助下，他们根本无法忍受这一切。风暴和泥潭。两个小时的这样的任务使我能够拖着我的商队穿过一英里半宽的大草原；我刚刚对自己的成功表示祝贺，就被一条深沟拦住了，这条沟里充满了来自被淹没的大草原的雨水，已成为一条相当大的溪流，齐胸深，迅速流入马卡塔河。驴子必须被卸下，牵着穿过激流，然后再到对岸装上——这一过程耗费了整整一个小时。

不久，在穿过一片树林后，阻碍我们前进的是另一条小溪，它涨成了一条河。桥被冲走了，我们不得不游泳并把行李漂过去，这又耽误了两个小时。离开第二个河岸，我们沿着马卡塔河的左岸，溅水、涉水，偶尔半游着，在泥沼、滴着水的草和马塔马茎中艰难前行，直到那天进一步的进展被一个人有效地阻止了。这条河的弯道很深，我们第二天就必须穿过它。

虽然在那悲惨的一天里只走了六英里，但行军却花了十个小时。

我累得半死，但庆幸的是，我没有发烧，避免发烧似乎是一个奇迹。如果说某个地区遭受了疟疾的侵袭，那么马卡塔荒野就是首当其冲的。当然，看到被不透明的雾气笼罩着的滴水的树林，被浑浊的洪水淹没的大片虎草淹没的乡村，成堆的腐烂的树木和藤条，水涨船高的河流和哭泣的天空，就足以让我们感到震惊了。产生 Mukunguru！被好好利用的卡姆比，以及周围的成堆的污物，足以引发霍乱！

马卡塔河在旱季的宽度只有四十英尺，在马斯卡季节则呈现出一条重要河流的宽度、深度和力量。如果碰巧是一个异常的雨季，它就会淹没两侧的大平原，并将其变成一个大湖。它是瓦米河的主要支流，瓦米河在萨达尼和温德港口之间注入大海。在马卡塔渡口东北约十英里处，大马卡塔河、小马卡塔河、一条无名小溪和鲁德瓦河汇合在一起；由此形成的河流被称为瓦米河。在整个乌萨加拉，瓦米人被称为 Mukondokwa。其中三条溪流发源于新月状的乌萨加拉山脉，该山脉将马卡塔平原南部和西南部界定为边界。鲁德瓦河则发源于同一山脉的北角。

马卡塔河的水流如此湍急，半埋在水中的桥摇摇欲坠，危及财产的安全，以至于从一家银行转移到另一家银行足足花了五个小时。我们刚把所有物品完好无损地运到对岸，雨水就倾盆而下，把它们全部淋湿，就像是被拖过河一样。穿过一个小时的雨形成的沼泽是完全不可能的。因此，我们被迫在一个每小时都有一定烦恼的地方扎营。一名在巴加莫约交战的旺瓦纳士兵名叫金加鲁 (Kingaru)，他利用另一名旺瓦纳士兵的装备提高了逃跑的机会。我的两名侦探，乌勒迪（格兰特的贴身男仆）和萨米安，立即被派去追击，两人都配备了美国后装机枪。他们以熟练和敏捷的方式完成任务，这预示着他们的成功。一个小时后，他们带着逃亡者回来了，发现他藏在一位名叫基贡多的姆塞古哈酋长的家里，他住在距河东岸约一英里的地方，陪同乌莱迪和萨米安去领取奖励，并给予回报。对事件的描述。

基贡多坐定后说道：“我看见这个人背着一个包袱，拼命地跑，我就知道他要抛弃你了。我们（我和我的妻子）坐在我们的小看守小屋里，看着我们的玉米。而且，由于路很近，这个人不得不靠近我们。当他走近时，我们喊道：‘师父，你这么快要去哪里？你要抛弃穆松古吗？因为我们知道你属于他，因为你昨天从我们这里买了两块肉？ “是的，”他说，“我要逃跑；我想去辛巴姆文尼。如果你带我去那里，我会给你一个多蒂。然后我们对他说：‘到我们家来吧，我们会安静地讨论这件事。当他来到我们家的内室时，我们把他锁起来，然后又出去值班。但留下话让女人们照顾他。我们知道，如果你想要他，你就会派出阿斯卡里（士兵）追捕他。我们刚点着烟斗，就看见两个人拿着短枪，没有负载，沿着路走来，时不时地看看地面，好像在看脚印。我们知道他们就是我们所期待的人；所以我们向他们致敬，并说：“大师们，你们在寻找什么？” \ 他们说：“我们正在寻找一个抛弃了我们主人的人。”这里是他的脚步声。如果你在小屋里待了很长时间，你一定见过他，你能告诉我们他在哪里吗？我们说，‘是的；他在我们家。如果你愿意跟我们一起去，我们就把他交给你；但你的主人必须给我们一些东西才能抓住他。”

正如基贡多承诺要交出金加鲁一样，乌勒迪和萨米安没有什么可做的，只能看管他们的囚犯，并将他和他的俘虏带到我在马卡塔西岸的营地。金加鲁被鞭打了两打，并被锁链锁住。俘虏他的人是一个 doti，此外还有送给他妻子的五颗红珊瑚珠。

我们渡过马卡塔河的那天下了一场倾盆大雨，这证明了马西卡季节的最后一次。由于我们经历的第一次降雨发生在23月30日，最后一次降雨发生在XNUMX月XNUMX日，持续时间为三十九天。巴加莫约的先知们曾郑重地向这位马西卡表达了他们的祝愿。他们说：“四十天里，雨一直下个不停。”而我们却只经历了十八天的雨。尽管如此，我们还是很高兴一切都结束了，因为我们厌倦了日复一日地停下来晾干捆包，给工具和铁器上油，厌倦了看到所有布和皮革的东西在我们眼前明显腐烂。

1 月 XNUMX 日，我们带着一支商队在马卡塔河的泥沼和水中艰难前行，由于穿越如此多的河流和涉过沼泽的劳累和疲劳，我们身体感到不适。 Shaw 仍在遭受他的第一次 Mukunguru 的痛苦；扎伊迪是一名士兵，因感染天花而病危。 kichuma-chuma（“小铁镣”）抓住了孟买的胸口，使他成为最无用的人中最无用的。马布鲁克·萨利姆（Mabruk Saleem）是一位体格健壮的年轻人，他效仿孟买的做法，躺在沼泽地上，声称自己完全无力挺过马卡塔沼泽。阿卜杜勒·卡德尔（Abdul Kader）是印地语裁缝和冒险家——凡人中最弱的一个——一直因缺乏“力量”而苦恼，正如他用法语表达的那样，即“力量”，永远不愿意工作，无能，装病，但永远饥饿的。 “哦！天哪，”我疲倦的灵魂在呼喊，“如果我的探险队里的所有人都像这个人一样，我就应该被迫返回。”所罗门的智慧也许来自灵感，也许来自观察；我因经验而变得明智，我不得不观察到，当泥巴和湿气耗尽了懒惰者的体力时，一根狗鞭就成了他们的背，使他们恢复了健康——有时是一种奢侈的活动。

距离我们营地三十英里的是马卡塔平原，一片广阔的沼泽。水平均一英尺深；在某些地方，我们陷入了三英尺、四英尺、甚至五英尺深的洞中。扑通扑通，扑通扑通，扑通扑通，这是我们从行军一开始听到的唯一的声音，直到我们发现博马占据了行军沿线唯一的干燥地点。这样的工作持续了两天，直到我们看到了鲁德瓦河，这是另一条强大的河流，河岸上充满了汹涌的雨水。穿过鲁德瓦河的一条支流，从西岸拥挤的潮湿的芦苇丛中出现，眼前的景色是一片巨大的水面，上面是丛生的草丛和稀疏的树木叶子，与东边十到十二英里外接壤。位于Usagara山脉的前面。从鲁德瓦支线出发的五英里行军中，人们感到极度的不适和烦恼。当我和旺瓦纳人带着驮着东西的驴子出现时，人们看到这些驴子挤在一个土堆上。当被问及这个土堆是否是营地时，他们回答说“不是”。 “那你为什么停在这里？”——“呃！水充足！！”一个人在腰部画了一条线，表示我们面前的水深，另一个人在他的胸口画了一条线，另一个人在他的喉咙上画了一条线，另一个人把手放在头上，意思是我们必须游泳。游过五英里穿过芦苇沼泽！这是不可能的；如此多样的说法也不可能全部都是正确的。因此，我毫不犹豫地命令旺瓦纳号继续处理动物。经过三个小时的四英尺深的水溅之后，我们到达了干燥的陆地，并穿过了马卡塔的沼泽。但沼泽的恐怖却在我们的脑海中留下了深刻的印象。没有人愿意忘记它的疲劳，也没有人忘记它几乎引起的旅行的恶心。随后，我们不得不更加生动地记住它的经过，并为我们在马斯卡季节进行这次旅行感到遗憾，从这一天起，几乎每天都有三三两两的动物死亡，直到只剩下五只病弱的动物。留下来；当旺瓦纳人、士兵和传教士患上无数疾病时；当我自己因急性痢疾发作而最终被迫躺在床上时，濒临死亡。如果我服用适当的药物，我可能会遭受更多的痛苦，但我对这种名为“科利斯·布朗氏氯罗登”的化合物的过度自信，延迟了治愈，最终导致了明智地使用多佛粉末的结果。尽管我使用了三瓶，但在任何一例腹泻或急性痢疾病例中，都没有出现过这种“氯达因”，尽管我用了三瓶，但人们已经对此进行了很多讨论和记载，没有任何减轻发作的效果。在穿越马卡塔沼泽期间感染的痢疾中，只有两名受害者，他们是一名传教士和我可怜的小狗“奥马尔”，我来自印度的同伴。

马卡塔山谷中唯一显眼的树是巴尔米拉棕榈树（Borassus flabelliformis），在某些地方，这种树的数量足以被称为树林；我们经过的时候，果子还没有成熟，不然我们可能会把它当作新奇的东西来享受。其他植被包括几种荆棘丛，以及优雅的伞顶常绿含羞草。

4 月 XNUMX 日，我们登上一个缓坡，前往重要的雷恩内科 (Rehenneko) 村庄，这是我们在乌萨加拉 (Usagara) 扎营的第一个村庄。它位于山脚下，这里的富饶和山间的空气给我们带来了舒适和健康。那是一个方形的、紧凑的村庄，周围是厚厚的泥墙，周围是圆锥形顶的小屋，屋顶用竹子和冬青茎覆盖。人口约有一千人。它有几个富裕且人口众多的邻居，其居民的行为方式足够独立，但也并非令人不快。溪流的水是最纯净的，新鲜的，清澈如水晶，在圆形的鹅卵石和干净的砾石上冒泡，对于寻找这种甜美可饮用元素的旅行者来说，听到的音乐令人愉悦。

雷亨内科 (Rehenneko) 附近的竹子长到可以使用的尺寸，强度足以搭建帐篷和竹竿；并且数量足以供给一支军队。山坡上树木茂密，可以为建筑提供非常好的木材。

我们在这个宜人的地方休息了四天，以补充体力，并让生病和虚弱的人有时间恢复一点，然后再测试他们攀登乌萨加拉山脉的能力。

8 月 XNUMX 日，我们带着疲惫不堪的人和动物沿着第一线山的陡坡蜿蜒而行。登上山顶，我们看到了非常壮丽的景色，马卡塔宽阔的山谷就像一幅大师图画，湍急的溪流像许多条银色的绳索，阳光照射在没有阴影的河面上，数以千计的优美棕榈树为这片景色增添了不少魅力，乌鲁古鲁和乌斯瓦潘加山脉的长城呈暗蓝色，但其崇高和巨大却令人惊叹——为如此广阔、广阔的前景形成了一个合适的背景。

向西转去，我们发现自己置身于一个山地世界，褶皱叠叠，山峰连峰，圆锥推挤；向北、向西、向南，山峰像许多玻璃波一样起伏。在这整个场景中看不到一处灰尘或干旱的地方。立体模型没有突然的变化或鲜明的对比，因为每个山峰、锥体和山顶都覆盖着一片绿色的森林。

对于人们来说，第一天穿越乌萨加拉山区的行军是在连续经过平坦和起伏的海域之后的一个令人愉快的插曲，但对于负重和虚弱的动物来说，这是最艰难的。当我们到达营地时，我们的气温已经为零下两点，但距离雷恩内科（Rehenneko）有七英里，这是我们欠马卡塔的第一笔债务。山脉深处的水源丰富，甘甜清澈，有时流过坚固的花岗岩床，有时流过丰富的红砂岩，其柔软的物质很快就被水元素渗透，其颗粒不断被冲走，丰富了下面的山谷；在其他峡谷中，当它跳过花岗岩巨石和石英岩时，它会猛冲，咆哮，发出微型雷声。

9月XNUMX日，又经历了一次这样的上上下下的旅程，爬上山丘，下降到不断加深的山谷的暮色深处，我们突然来到了穆孔多夸河，它狭窄的被压抑的山谷里挤满了茂密的芦苇丛、甘蔗、和带刺的灌木丛；还有崎岖不平的柽柳，它与巨大的空心菜争夺生存，它们以如此顽强和力量将它们的线圈缠绕在树干上，以至于如果没有它们的支撑，柽柳似乎长大了。

山谷在某些地方只有四分之一英里宽，而在另一些地方则扩大到约一英里。两边的山丘陡峭，长满了含羞草、金合欢和柽柳，​​包围着一条河流和山谷，其弯曲和褶皱就像蛇一样千变万化。

进入 Mukondokwa 山谷后不久，我们就遇到了 1857 年巴克斯顿和斯皮克上尉走过的道路，位于姆布米和卡德塔马雷之间（后者应该称为米松吉，卡德塔马雷只是一个酋长的名字）。沿着穆孔多夸河左岸行驶大约一个小时，我们的路线从东南到西、北和东北分岔到各个地点，大约一个小时后，我们来到了浅滩。过了浅滩，走了短短的半小时，我们就来到了奇奥拉。

在基奥拉这个肮脏的村庄里，地里铺满了羊粪，村子里住着数量惊人的孩子，而这个村庄还不到二十户人家，炎热的阳光倾泻在有限的空地上，带着一种愤怒的气息，超过 128 华氏度；里面挤满了已知和未知种类的苍蝇和昆虫；正如我之前所获悉的，我发现了第三个商队，它从巴加莫约出发，装备精良，供应充足。领导者正是白人法夸尔，他双腿肿胀（布莱特氏病）卧床不起，无法动弹。

当法夸尔听到我的声音时，他摇摇晃晃地走出了帐篷，他与我从巴加莫约出发的云杉伙伴完全不同，以至于我一开始几乎不认识他。他的腿很笨重，像大象一样，因为他的腿病是象皮病或水肿。他的脸色惨白，因为他已经两周没有离开帐篷了。

我选择了一座俯瞰基奥拉村的微风习习的小山作为我的露营地，帐篷搭好后，动物们就开始照顾，并用荆棘丛搭建了一个博马，法夸尔就被四个人抬进了营地。我的帐篷。当被问及发病原因时，他表示不知道是什么原因造成的。他想，他在任何地方都没有疼痛。我问：“你有时不觉得右侧疼痛吗？”——“是的，我想我是这样；”但我不知道。”——“有时左乳头上也没有——快速抽动，伴有呼吸短促？”——“是的，我想我有。我知道我有时呼吸很快。”他说他唯一的问题是腿，肿得很大。虽然胃口很好，但他还是感觉双腿发软。

根据法夸尔本人所提供的关于这种疾病及其特点的很少信息，我只能通过研究我随身携带的一本小医学书来了解“腿部肿胀，有时甚至是身体肿胀，可能会导致来自心脏、肝脏或肾脏疾病。”但我不知道该把这种病归咎于什么，除非是象皮病——一种在桑给巴尔最常见的疾病。我也不知道如何治疗一个无法告诉我他是否感到头部或背部、脚部或胸部疼痛的人。

因此，我很幸运能够在奇奥拉超越他。尽管他对我来说是一个沉重的负担，因为他不能走路，而驴车在经历了马卡塔山谷的艰难经历后，也出现了故障。我不可能把他留在奇奥拉，死亡很快就会降临到他身上；但是，我能在这样的状态下运送一个人多久，穿过一个没有交通工具的国家，这是一个需要根据情况来解决的问题。

11月XNUMX日，现在团结起来的第三和第五商队沿着穆孔多夸河右岸前进，穿过霍尔库斯田野，随着我们向西行进，伟大的穆康多夸山脉海拔越来越高，将我们包围在狭窄的河谷中绕来绕去。我们把穆尼伊乌萨加拉 (Muniyi Usagara) 留在了右边，不久之后我们就发现了山刺横亘在我们的道路上，我们不得不爬上爬下。

从米松吉渡口出发，行进了八英里，我们到达了穆孔多夸河的另一个渡口，在那里我们告别了伯顿的道路，这条路通向戈马山口，爬上鲁贝霍的陡坡。我们的路从右岸出发，沿着左岸穿过一个与穆孔多瓦山谷相反的国家，周围环绕着山脉。肥沃的土壤和自然生长的植被，散发着瘴气和难以忍受的气味，我们换成了一片干旱的荒野，长满了芦荟和仙人掌植物，科尔夸尔和一些荆棘丛在那里生长得非常茂盛。

我们现在看到的不是树木覆盖的高地、斜坡和山谷，也不是耕地，而是无人居住的荒野。山顶上的树冠已经裸露，露出了被雨水和阳光漂白的岩石本质。当我们登上深褐色土壤的长斜坡时，乌萨加拉锥体中最高的那座恩古鲁峰就矗立在我们的右肩，该斜坡超出了左侧棕色的穆孔多夸。

在距离最后一个浅滩两英里的地方，我们发现了一个整洁的坎比，靠近河流，在那里它第一次闯入了汹涌的急流。

第二天早上，商队正准备行军，这时我得知“Bana Mdogo”——小主人——肖还没有带着马车和负责马车的人到达。前一天深夜，我为肖送了一头驴，他说他病得太重，不能走路，又送了一头驴去运车上的货物；并且对他们很快就会到达感到满意地退休了。当我早上得知人们还没有进来时，我的结论是，肖并不知道我们必须在五天的时间里穿过一片完全无人居住的荒野。因此，我派了一名姆格瓦纳士兵乔佩雷 (Chowpereh) 给他，并附上以下便条：“收到此命令后，你将把车以及所有额外的驮鞍扔进最近的山沟、沟壑或河流；看在上帝的份上，立刻过来，因为我们不能在这里挨饿！”

一、二、三、四个小时，我在极度不耐烦中度过，等待着肖，但徒劳无功。前面还有很长的行军路，我不能再等了，我亲自去迎接他的一行人。距离浅滩大约四分之一英里，我遇到了落后者的面包车——粗壮魁梧的乔佩雷——而且，哦，车制造商，听着！他把车顶在头上——轮子、车轴、车体、车轴，一切都齐全。他发现携带它比画它容易得多。眼前的景象让我不再把它当作一次实验，于是车子被推进了高高的芦苇丛深处，然后就离开了。中心人物是肖本人，他骑马的步态似乎让我怀疑他或他的动物是否感到最困。当行军即将到来时，他用一种最奇特的声音（他在脾气暴躁时总是这样）劝告他让商队等了这么久，他说他已经尽力了；但他并没有这样做。但当我看到他庄严的步伐时，我对他的努力感到怀疑。当然，还有一个小场景，但是东非探险队的年轻欧洲姆通吉必须与他选择的伙伴一起吃饭。

下午 4 点，我们到达了马德特，没有带两只驴子，它们已经疲惫不堪，四肢疲惫不堪，已经死了。下午 3 点左右，我们横渡了 Mukondokwa 河，在确定了它的方位和航向后，我确定它的上升发生在恩古鲁峰以西以北约 XNUMX 英里的一组山脉附近。我们的路是西北偏西，在这个地方终于与河流分叉了。

14日，在经过七英里的山丘行军之后，山上的砂岩和花岗岩地层在地表上方随处可见，岩石和干燥的面貌似乎反映在每一丛灌木和植物中，并上升到了海拔约八百英尺的高度。沿着穆孔多夸河的水流，我们看到了乌甘博湖——一片灰色的湖水直接躺在山脚下，从山顶我们可以看到这一幕。景色说不上漂亮，也不漂亮，但我应该称之为令人耳目一新；它为因观看周围荒凉的乡村而疲劳的眼睛提供了令人愉快的缓解。此外，湖边的环境太平淡，无法唤起任何热情。没有雄伟的山脉，没有微笑的风景，只有一座暗褐色的山峰，位于湖西端，距湖面约一千英尺高，乌甘博湖由此得名。只不过是一片低矮的暗褐色不规则山脉，与北岸平行，相距一英里。只有一片低矮的平原，从它的西海岸一直延伸到姆普瓦普瓦山脉和马伦加姆卡利，然后从我们的有利位置对我们来说是显而易见的，从那里我们很高兴将目光投向安静的灰色水面下面。

我们从东边约四百英尺长的山脉顶峰下降，沿着北岸行进。从东端到西端的路程，正好是一小时三十分钟。

由于这一边代表了它的最大长度，我得出结论，该湖长三英里，最宽两英里。湖四面的紧邻海岸，距水边至少五十英尺，是一片无法逾越的沼泽，滋养着茂密的芦苇和灯心草，河马笨重的身躯在经过时，将沼泽的柔软成分压成了水迹。夜间远足时从湖边出发；较小的动物；例如“mbogo”（水牛）、“punda-terra”（斑马）； “twiga”（长颈鹿）、野猪、捻角羚、蹄兔或羚羊和羚羊；晚上也来这里解渴。湖面栖息着种类繁多的水禽。如黑天鹅、鸭子、朱鹭、鹈鹕；鱼鹰和鹰在头顶翱翔，寻找猎物，而附近则回响着珍珠鸡呼唤幼崽的大声鸣叫，巨嘴鸟的刺耳叫声，鸽子的咕咕声，以及猫头鹰的“to-whit，to-whoo”。附近的长草丛中还发出花鸟、山鹬和松鸡的刺耳叫声和响亮的叫声。

由于带着我最好的卡宾枪之一的印地语库珀贾科（Jako）抛弃了我，我不得不在这里停留两天，这增加了探索湖的北岸和南岸的机会。在北侧一座低矮、崎岖的小山的岩石脚下，距目前水面约十五英尺，我在最清晰、最明确的线条中发现了波浪的作用。从它的底部到潮湿的沼泽边缘，可以清晰地看到破碎的贝壳的细小线条，就像退潮后山毛榉上排成一排的小颗粒一样清晰可见。毫无疑问，地质学专家可能已经在砂岩上追踪到了更高的波痕。我只能看到它的基本特征。经过两天对附近地区的探索，特别是对西端的低洼平原的探索，我毫不怀疑，乌甘博湖只不过是曾经的一大片水域的尾部，其面积相当于坦噶尼喀；爬上乌甘博峰的半山腰后，当我看到山脚下那条长期凹陷的平原线一直延伸到三十英里外的姆普瓦普瓦山脉，从那里绕到马伦加姆卡利，覆盖了整个广阔的地表时，我的观点得到了证实。宽四十英里，长度未知。当我凝视它时，我想，再深十二英尺，湖的长度将是三十英里，宽度是十英里。三十英尺的深度将使其长度增加一百多英里，宽度增加五十英里，因为这就是乌甘博以西和马伦加姆卡利以北的平原的平坦性质。此外，湖水还带有一点点来自距离十五英里的马塔姆博溪的苦涩性质，而程度更小一些的来自于四十英里之外的马伦加姆卡利溪。

在我们停留的第一天快结束时，印地语库珀贾科到达了营地，他借口感到疲倦，在离路边几英尺的灌木丛中睡着了。由于我们被关押在乌甘博饥饿的荒野中，我没有心情原谅他。因此，为了防止他以后再逃学，我不得不把他纳入逃亡团伙之中。

我们又死了两头驴，为了防止留下任何有价值的行李，我不得不用我自己的驴子把法夸尔送到三十英里外的姆普瓦普瓦村，由马布鲁基·伯顿负责。

为了拯救远征队免遭毁灭，我不情愿地得出了这样的结论：对我、对他和我关心的人来说，最好让他留在某个好心的村长那里，并提供六个月的布料和物资。珠珠，直到他痊愈，他才让自己的康复变得不可能。

16 月 XNUMX 日，我们在乌甘博和姆普瓦普瓦之间的平原上行进，时不时地绕过一片低矮的围岩，其中有几块巨大的巨石因某种暴力而移位。山坡上的科尔夸尔生长到了我在阿比西尼亚从未见过的大小。平原上生长着猴面包树、巨大的罗望子树和各种荆棘。

距离乌甘博不到五个小时，山脉就转向东北方向，而我们则继续向西北方向前进，前往姆普瓦普瓦的高山线。在我们的左边，矗立着巨大的鲁贝霍山，耸立在蓝云之上。现在，我们已经解释了为什么要采用这条通往乌尼亚延贝的新道路——我们能够避开鲁贝霍的山口和陡峭的陡坡，没有什么比遇到宽阔平坦的平原更糟糕的了，平原缓缓倾斜到乌戈戈。

行军十五英里后，我们在一个干燥的姆托尼扎营，这个地方名叫马塔姆博，因其赭色的苦水池而闻名。除了捻角羚、羚羊和羚羊之外，附近还有大量的猴子和犀牛。在这个营地，我的小狗“奥马尔”死于肠道炎症，几乎是在乌戈戈这个国家的门槛上，在那里他忠实的警惕对我来说是无价的。

第二天的行军长度也是十五英里，穿过一望无际的荆棘丛林。距营地不到两英里，道路通向一条小河床，河床宽阔如大道，通向姆普瓦普瓦的卡比河。它靠近许多最纯净的溪流。

第二天早上，我们从乌甘博长途跋涉后感到非常疲惫，一般都打算利用姆普瓦普瓦为刚从苍蝇肆虐的瓦塞古哈和瓦多地区的商队提供的珍贵奢侈品。谢赫·塔尼——聪明但天真无邪的老阿拉伯人——在一棵巨大的姆坦巴梧桐树下安营扎寨，自从他两天前抵达这里以来，他就一直用新鲜的牛奶、甘美的羊肉和肥美的公牛驼峰来犒劳自己。而且，正如他告诉我的那样，他的观点不符合他的观点，这么快就放弃如此丰富的资源，去购买马伦加姆卡利的含氮含盐水，因为这里有几个特雷克扎斯，还有许多令人不快的地方。 “不！”他强调地对我说：“最好在这里停留两三天，让你疲惫的动物休息一下；收集尽可能多的帕加兹，用新鲜牛奶、红薯、牛肉、羊肉、酥油、蜂蜜、豆类、马塔马、马韦里和坚果填满你的肚子；——然后，安拉！我们将一起穿过乌戈戈，不停歇。”由于这个建议准确地符合我自己对他所提到的美好事物的渴望和强烈胃口，所以他很快就等待我同意他的建议。 “乌戈戈，”他继续说道，“富含牛奶和蜂蜜——富含面粉、豆类和几乎所有可食用的东西；还有，安拉！再过一个星期我们就到乌戈戈了！”

我从路过的商队那里听到了许多关于乌戈戈及其产品的极其有利的报道，这对我来说似乎是一个非常有希望的土地，我最渴望用一些在乌戈戈种植的珍贵的美味植物来恢复我疲惫的胃；但当我听说姆普瓦普瓦还提供了一些精致的食物和好东西时，早上的大部分时间都花在了劝说那些头脑迟钝的人上。最后，当鸡蛋、牛奶、蜂蜜、羊肉、酥油、磨碎的马塔马和豆子收集到足以制作一顿可口的饭菜时，我最敏锐的注意力和最好的烹饪天赋花了几个小时来转换这些粗供应早餐可以为像我这样既挑剔又饥饿的胃所接受并适合。随后对它的健康消化证明我的努力非常成功。在这重要的一天结束时，我在日记中记下以下这句话：“感谢上帝！在靠马塔玛粥和坚韧的山羊肉生活了五十七天之后，我满意地享用了一顿真正的早餐和晚餐。”

法夸尔在姆普瓦普瓦山坡上的众多小村庄之一找到了避难所和家，直到他恢复健康后才能开始前往乌尼延贝加入我们。

食物很丰富，种类也足够多，可以满足最挑剔的人的需求，而且价格也很便宜，比我们很多天所经历的要便宜得多。负责保护和安慰法夸尔的村长卢科尔是一位目光温和、面容令人愉快的小老头，在得知打算将穆松古完全交给他负责时，他建议应该留下一些人来伺候他，并向他的人民解释他的愿望。

由于除了孟买和塞利姆之外，贾科是唯一会说英语的人，所以贾科被任命，酋长勒科勒感到满意。六个月的白珠、Merikani 和 Kaniki 布料，以及两块漂亮的布料，作为 Leucole 康复后送给他的礼物，由孟买运往法夸尔，还有斯塔尔的卡宾枪、300 发子弹、一套烹饪锅和 3 磅。茶。

阿卜杜拉·本·纳西卜被发现与五百名传教士和一列阿拉伯和瓦萨瓦西里卫星军驻扎在这里，他们以他的重要性为中心，对待我的方式与哈米德·本·苏莱曼在卡森吉对待斯皮克的方式有些相同。他（一个五十岁左右的高个子，看上去很紧张）在他的卫星的跟随下来到我的营地看我，并问我是否愿意购买驴子。由于我所有的动物都病了或垂死了，我很快就做出了肯定的回答，他慷慨地说他会卖​​给我我想要的数量，作为付款，我可以给他一张桑给巴尔的汇票。我认为他是一个非常体贴和善良的人，完全有理由在伯顿的《中非湖区》中对他的高度赞扬，因此我以如此伟大和善良的人应有的考虑来对待他。第二天到来了，阿卜杜拉·本·纳西卜（Abdullah bin Nasib），或“基塞萨”（Wanyamwezi 人对他的称呼），带着他所有的传教士、他的追随者队伍以及他的每一头驴子，一起前往巴加莫约，没有太多的事情。就像说“Kwaheri”，或者说再见。

在这个地方，通常可以找到十到三十个等待上行商队的旅店。我很幸运地找到了十二位好人，他们在我到达乌尼扬贝时无一例外地自愿成为乌吉吉的携带者。面对马伦加·姆卡利的强大行军，我对这份意外之财感到庆幸，它解决了我一直期待的困难；因为我只剩下十头驴了，其中四头已经非常虚弱，根本不配当行李。

姆普瓦普瓦（Mpwapwa）——阿拉伯人的称呼，他们已经设法腐蚀了几乎所有的本土词汇——被瓦萨加拉人称为“Mbambwa”。这是一座海拔超过 6,000 英尺的山脉，北边是从乌贡博湖开始的广阔平原，东边是被称为马伦加姆卡利 (Marenga Mkali) 的平原，一直延伸到乌胡姆巴 (Uhumba) 的边界之外。姆普瓦普瓦对面，大约三十英里处，耸立着鲁贝霍的阿纳克峰，其他几座雄心勃勃、身材高大的山峰正在攀登长长的直线陡坡，这些陡坡从乌甘博和马伦加·姆卡利平原上升起，就像它们曾经有过的那样有规律。由一代代石匠和石匠的双手凿成。

看着姆普瓦普瓦的绿色山坡，黑暗中生长着许多茂密的树木；它的许多小溪流淌着甜美而清澈的气息，除了厚厚的桉树和荆棘丛、巨大的悬铃木和降落伞顶的含羞草之外，还滋养着我，让我的想象力在高高的锥体后面描绘出甜蜜的景色，我很想勇敢地勇敢攀登的疲劳到山顶。我对风景如画的热爱也没有失望。目光一扫，就看到了数百平方英里的平原和山脉，从远处的乌甘博峰到遥远的乌戈戈，从鲁贝霍和乌戈戈到狂野、不可驯服的瓦洪巴的昏暗紫色牧场。乌甘博平原及其邻近的马伦加姆卡利平原表面上平坦如海，但到处星罗棋布着“大自然不经意的匆忙中掉落的小山丘”，它们看起来就像暗褐色和绿色广阔之中的岛屿。丛林茂密的地方，颜色是绿色，与深棕色交替；平原上没有灌木丛和灌木丛，呈现出白棕色的外观，飘过的云层时不时地投下深深的阴影。总而言之，画面的这一面并不吸引人。它太明显地展现了真正的荒野最严酷的一面。但也许我知道在我面前的广阔平原的怀抱中没有一滴水，而是像硝石一样苦涩，像尿液一样无法饮用，这使我对它产生了偏见，猎人可能会认为它是一个天堂，因为在它的深处各种游戏吸引他最敏锐的本能；但对于单纯的旅行者来说，它的前景却很严峻。然而，靠近姆普瓦普瓦山脚，平原的面貌发生了变化。起初，丛林变得稀疏，树林中出现了空洞，然后是宽阔而裸露的空地，然后是大片耐寒的霍尔库斯、印度玉米、马韦里或巴吉里的田地，到处都有一个方形的坦贝或村庄。更近的地方有细细的新鲜青草，高大的树木包围着一片冲积草甸。一条宽阔的河床，其中有几条小溪，流经干渴的田野，输送着在乌萨原这一地区如此稀缺和珍贵的生机元素。姆普瓦普瓦河 (Mpwapwa) 一直倾斜到河床，有些地方被巨大的玄武岩巨石或从陡峭的悬崖上分开的岩块弄得凹凸不平，牢牢地抓住了科尔夸尔，在其他绿色生物无法吸收的地方汲取营养。 ;耐寒的含羞草覆盖着其他植物，它们像一条倾斜的翠绿堤岸一样升起，几乎到达山顶。而且，令我久久陌生的景象令我高兴的是，数百头牛在吃草，为山脉深处的孤独增添了令人愉悦的活力。

但最美丽的景色是向北望向支撑前方山脉、面向鲁贝霍的茂密山脉。这里是风的故乡，风从这里开始，席卷西侧的陡坡和孤峰，在冲过草原般的马伦加姆卡利时积聚力量，以风暴的力量呼啸着穿过乌戈戈和乌尼亚姆韦齐。这里也是露水的故乡，清澈的泉水从这里喷涌而出，它们的音乐为下面的丛林山谷带来欢乐，丰富了姆普瓦​​普瓦人口稠密的地区。在这微风徐徐的高处，呼吸着纯净的空气，欣赏着这里呈现出的千姿百态的风景，在如草坪般绿色的广阔高原上，在光滑圆润的山顶上，在包含着令人着迷的凹处的山谷中，人们感觉更好、更坚强。隐士的灵魂，在幽深而可怕的峡谷里，笼罩着暮色的阴暗，在断裂和分裂的悬崖上，在覆盖悬崖的巨大的、奇异磨损的巨石上，在风景如画的大地上，那里拥抱着大自然中的一切野生和诗意。

姆普瓦普瓦虽然来自海岸的旅行者在长期缺乏牛奶后会感激它所提供的牛奶，但仍将作为蠼螋最引人注目的地方而被人们铭记。在我的帐篷里，他们可能有数千人；在我吊着的小床上，他们有数百个；在我的衣服上，它们是五十年代的；我的脖子和头上有几十处。与可怕的蠼螋相比，蝗虫、跳蚤和虱子等几场瘟疫就显得微不足道了。确实，它们没有咬人，也没有刺激角质层，但它们的存在和数量所暗示的东西是如此可怕，以至于一想到它就让人几乎发疯。谁会来到东非而不读过伯顿和斯皮克的经历呢？读过这些书的人是谁，不会惊恐地记得斯皮克所描述的他与这些害虫遭遇的可怕经历呢？我相信，仅凭我强烈的紧张警惕，就使我免于类似的灾难。

在重要性和数量上仅次于蠼螋的是白蚁，它们的破坏力简直可怕。席子、布料、行李箱、衣服，简而言之，我拥有的每一件物品，似乎都濒临毁灭，当我目睹他们的贪婪时，我感到焦虑，生怕我的帐篷在我睡觉时被吞噬。这是自从离开海岸以来第一批坎比人，他们的存在成为了一个令人焦虑的问题。迄今为止，在所有其他露营地，红蚂蚁和黑蚂蚁都引起了我们的注意，但在姆普瓦普瓦，没有看到红色蚂蚁，而黑色蚂蚁也非常稀少。

在姆普瓦普瓦停留三天后，我决定向马伦加姆卡利进军，行程应该不间断，直到我们到达乌戈戈的姆武米，在那里我应该学习向瓦戈戈酋长致敬的艺术。前往基索奎的第一次行军故意缩短了，只有四英里，以便谢赫塔尼、谢赫哈迈德和五六个瓦萨瓦希里商队能够在马伦加·姆卡利境内的春约与我会合。

行李动物的死亡率。——顽固的
瓦戈戈——梅纳德的暴徒。——致敬。——的必要性
谨慎。—导游的讲话。—真正的“乌戈吉亚人”。—
谩骂的力量。——一位惊讶的酋长。——著名的
米赞扎。—杀死鬣狗。—希腊人和罗马人
非洲。—关键时刻。—“大象回来了。”—
Ukimbu 的荒野。——第一阶段结束
搜索。——到达Unyanyembe。

22 月 XNUMX 日，萨尼和哈米德的商队与我的商队在距离姆普瓦普瓦 (Mpwapwa) 三个半小时的路程的春友 (Chunyo) 汇合。从后一个地方出发的道路沿着姆普瓦普瓦山脉的边缘延伸。在三到四个地方，它穿过了与山脉主体隔离的外围山刺。这些山刺中的最后一个，由一个高架的十字山脊连接到姆普瓦普瓦，保护了位于西面的春友天贝，免受从陡峭山坡上呼啸而下的暴风雨的袭击。 Chunyo 的水非常糟糕，事实上，正是由于其含盐分的性质，将Usagara 和Ugogo 分开的荒野才被称为Marenga Mkali（苦水）。尽管它的口感极其恶劣，但阿拉伯人和当地人饮用它时毫无畏惧，也没有任何不良后果。但他们小心翼翼地将行李动物从坑中扣留。由于不了解其性质，也不完全理解 Marenga Mkali 所指的确切位置，我允许驴子被带到水边，就像行军后通常那样；其后果是极其灾难性的。可怕的马卡塔沼泽所幸存的东西，被马伦加·姆卡利 (Marenga Mkali) 的水域摧毁了。在我们离开马里春友或马伦加不到五天的时间里，当时留给我的九头驴中，有五头（五头最健康的动物）成了受害者。

当我们从荒凉的春阳出来时，我们组成了一支相当雄伟的商队，人数大约有四百人。我们在枪炮、旗帜、号角、鼓声和噪音方面表现出色。经谢赫塔尼允许，谢赫哈米德和我本人被指派负责引导和带领这支伟大的商队穿过可怕的乌戈戈；这是一个最令人不愉快的选择，正如下文所见。

横跨三十多英里的马伦加马里终于出现在我们面前。这段距离必须在三十六小时内走完，普通行军的疲劳度会增加一倍以上。从春阳到乌戈戈，没有发现一滴水。作为一个大商队，比如说超过两百人，很少以每小时一又四分之三英里的速度行进，三十英里的行军需要十七个小时的耐力，没有水，而且很少休息。东非通常拥有无限量的水，商队不会因为缺乏资源而被迫求助于印度的穆舒克和埃及的基尔贝。他们能够通过几次长​​途行军穿越无水地区，只满足于暂时拥有一小葫芦，并一直想象着到达饮水地后将喝到的大量水。

穿过这个缺水地区的行军是极其单调的，危险的高烧袭击了我，似乎吞噬了我的生命体。非洲的奇观以成群的斑马、长颈鹿、大羚羊或羚羊的形式出现，在没有丛林的平原上驰骋，但对我来说没有任何吸引力；它们的形状像斑马、长颈鹿、大羚羊或羚羊，在没有丛林的平原上驰骋。它们也无法将我的注意力从我所患的严重疾病中转移出来。第一次行军快结束时，我无法坐在驴背上；当只穿过荒野的三分之一时，也不能停下来直到第二天。因此，士兵们被派去把我放在吊床上，下午表演特雷克扎时，我躺在床上，昏昏欲睡，什么都不知道。随着一夜的发烧过去，凌晨三点，当行军重新开始时，我被靴子和马刺所包围，我的商队再次被认出了姆通吉。上午 3 点，我们跑完了三十二英里。马伦加·姆卡利的荒野已经过去，我们进入了乌戈戈，这对我的商队来说是一片可怕的土地，对我来说却是一片充满希望的土地。

从旷野到应许之地的过渡是非常渐进和容易的。丛林慢慢地变薄了，清理过的土地很长时间才出现，当它终于出现时，没有耕种的迹象，直到我们能清楚地看到右边一些与我们路线平行的山坡上的牧草和植被。 ，然后我们看到山上有木材，还有广阔的耕地——瞧！当我们登上一片微红色的土地时，上面长满了高大的杂草和甘蔗，但离我们几英尺远的地方，就在我们的路径对面，是我们一直在寻找的马塔马和谷物田，乌戈戈在一小时前就已经进入了。

景色并不像我想象的那样。我想象了一个比马伦加·姆卡利高数百英尺的高原，以及一个广阔的视野，应该立即揭示乌戈戈及其特征。但相反，当我们从覆盖着耕地之前的空地的高大杂草出发时，我们已经进入了较高的马塔马茎的深处，而且，除了姆武米附近的一些遥远的山丘之外，那里是大苏丹居住的地方。我们应该向哪个部落致敬——观点极其有限。

然而，在第一个村庄附近，我们看到了乌戈戈的一些奇特特征，那里有一片广阔的平原——时而平坦，时而隆起，这里平坦如桌子，那里倾斜成崎岖的小丘，布满了树木。几十块巨大的巨石，一个接一个地堆放着，就像泰坦尼克号比赛中的孩子们在建造房屋时玩耍一样。事实上，这些圆形、棱角分明、裂开的岩石堆本身就形成了微型山丘。看起来好像每个尸体都被下面的某种暴力力量向上弹出。特别是其中一个，靠近姆乌米，它太大了，被一棵巨大的猴面包树伸展的树枝稍微遮住了视线，它与一座巨大尺寸的方塔非常相似，以至于很长一段时间我都无法看到它。我怀着这样的想法：我发现了一些最有趣的东西，但奇怪的是，我在东非的前任没有注意到这些东西。走近一看，幻象消失了，事实证明它是一块巨大的岩石立方体，每边长约四十英尺。猴面包树在这一场景中也特别显眼，在耕地中看不到其他种类的树。留下这些可能有两个原因：第一，缺乏合适的斧头来砍伐如此巨大的树木；第二，缺乏合适的斧头来砍伐如此巨大的树木。其次，因为在饥荒期间，猴面包树的果实可以提供面粉，在没有更好的东西的情况下，据说这种面粉可以食用并且有营养。

我在乌戈戈听到的第一句话是一位瓦戈戈老人说的，他身材魁梧，以一种懒洋洋的方式照料羊群，但对这个穿着白色法兰绒、头上戴着霍克斯专利软木太阳能头顶的陌生人表现出了明显的兴趣。乌戈戈从他身边走过，是最不寻常的事情，他发出“扬博，穆松古，扬博，巴纳，巴纳”的声音，声音大到一英里外都能听到。问候一出，“Musungu”这个词似乎就震动了整个村庄；路边不远处的其他村庄的人们注意到一开始的兴奋，也加入到了似乎突然占据他们的普遍狂热之中。我认为我从第一个村庄到姆伍米的进展是最成功的。因为我身边有一群愤怒的男人、女人和孩子，他们几乎都像夏娃一样赤身裸体，当世界在伊甸园里第一次出现时，他们互相争斗、争吵、推搡、踉踉跄跄，以获得最好的视野。白人的形象，现在在乌戈戈的这一地区第一次见到这样的人。钦佩的叫喊声，例如“嗨乐！”这些话经常在我耳边响起，引起混乱的骚动，但我并没有感激地接受，因为我认为其中许多人都是无礼的。尊重的沉默和更加矜持的行为会赢得我的尊重；但是，你们这些使乌桑古人遵守礼仪的力量，*尊重的沉默、保守的行为和尊重是野蛮的乌戈戈人所不知道的。到目前为止，我将自己比作一位巴格达商人，在库尔德斯坦的库尔德人中旅行，出售他的大马士革丝绸、头巾等商品。但现在我不得不降低自己的标准，认为自己并不比动物收藏中的猴子好多少。我的一名士兵要求他们减少喧闹声。但邪恶的种族命令他闭嘴，因为他不配与瓦戈戈说话！当我恳求阿拉伯人在这个海峡寻求建议时，一向世俗智慧的老谢赫塔尼说：“不要听他们的；不要听他们的。”它们是除了吠叫之外还会咬人的狗。” ———— * 白人的土地。 ————

上午 9 点，我们到达了 Mvumi 村附近的博马。但这里也有成群的瓦戈戈人前来一睹穆松古的风采，他的存在很快就传遍了姆伍米地区。但两个小时后，我忘记了他们想见我的努力。因为，尽管我反复服用奎宁，但穆昆古鲁确实控制住了我。

第二天，我们进行了八英里的行军，从东姆伍米到西姆伍米，该地区的苏丹住在那里。到达我们博马的物资的数量和种类与有关乌戈戈生产的报告不符。牛奶，酸甜的，蜂蜜，豆类，马塔马，马韦里，印度玉米，酥油，花生，和一种非常像大开心果或杏仁的豆类坚果，西瓜，南瓜，糊瓜，和黄瓜被带来了，并很容易地交换了梅里卡尼、卡尼基、白色梅里卡尼珠子和萨米萨米或萨姆萨姆。营地里从早到晚进行的贸易和易货贸易让我想起了加拉人和阿比西尼亚人之间存在的习俗。向东，商队不得不派人携带布料，从村民那里购买。这在乌戈戈是不必要的，那里的人们自愿将他们拥有的所有商品带到营地。最小宽度的白色或蓝色布料变得可以销售并且可以用来购买物资——甚至是破旧的腰布。

我们游行的第二天就停止了。我们定下这一天来向伟大的姆武米苏丹致敬。谨慎而谨慎的谢赫塔尼很早就开始了这项重要的职责，如果不履行这一职责将成为战争的信号。哈米德和萨尼派出了两名忠实的奴隶，他们的行为与瓦戈戈苏丹的怪癖完全一致——口才好，能说会道，而且具有东方人之间进行贸易的真正本能。他们携带了六件布料，即一件由我贡献的 Dabwani Ulyah 布料，一件来自我的 Barsati 布料，两件来自 Sheikh Thani 的 Merikani Satine 布料，以及两件来自 Sheikh Hamed 的 Kaniki 布料，作为第一部分贡。奴隶们缺席了整整一个小时，但他们徒劳地浪费了恳求的力量，他们带着更多的要求回来了，谢赫塔尼这样向我传达了这一信息：

“哎呀！这个苏丹是一个非常坏的人——确实是一个非常坏的人；他说，穆松古是一位伟人，我称他为苏丹；穆松古非常​​富有，因为他有好几支商队已经过去了。穆松古人必须缴纳四十多提，而阿拉伯人则必须每人缴纳十二多提，因为他们拥有丰富的商队。你告诉我你们都是一支商队是没有用的，不然为什么那么多旗帜和帐篷？去给我拿六十朵提来，少了我也不满意。”

在听到这个过高的要求后，我向谢赫塔尼建议，如果我有二十名瓦松古*配备温彻斯特连发步枪，苏丹可能不得不向我进贡；但塔尼祈祷并恳求我要小心，以免愤怒的言语激怒苏丹，导致他要求双倍贡品，因为他完全有能力这样做。 “如果你更喜欢战争，”他说，“你的传教士就会全部逃跑，把你和你的衣服留给瓦戈戈人。”但我赶紧当着他的面告诉孟买，我已经预见到了瓦戈戈人的这种要求，并预留了一百二十多提的洪加布，我不应该认为自己是一个受害者，以此来减轻他的恐惧。苏丹要求我付给他四十布。因此，他必须打开洪加包，并允许谢赫塔尼提取苏丹可能喜欢的布料。

谢赫塔尼戴上礼帽，与哈米德和忠实的奴仆们会合，他想，如果我支付十二个多提（其中三个应该是乌利亚+品质的），那么苏丹可能会屈尊接受我们的贡品；但如果我付了十二个多提（其中三个应该是乌利亚+品质的），那么苏丹可能会屈尊接受我们的贡品；假设他被“信徒”的演说所说服，穆松古除了马希瓦（船）之外什么都没有，这对他来说没有任何用处，无论发生什么，穆松古同意这一谨慎的建议，可见其智慧。

* 白人。

+ 最好的，或优越的。

奴隶们离开了，这次带着我们的三十多提，带着我们对他们成功的最美好的祝愿。一个小时后，他们两手空空地回来了，但还是没有成功。苏丹向穆松古索要六点梅里卡尼和一大布布。来自阿拉伯人和其他商队的还有十二个多提。奴隶们第三次动身前往苏丹的坦贝，随身携带着我自己的六枚多提梅里卡尼和一大杯布布，以及阿拉伯人的十枚多提。他们再次向我们传达了苏丹的话：“由于穆松古的多蒂尺寸较短，而阿拉伯人的布料质量很差，因此穆松古必须发送三件满尺寸的多蒂，而阿拉伯人必须发送五件卡尼基的布料。 ”我的三个多蒂立即用最长的前臂测量出来——根据基戈戈的测量——并从孟买寄出；但几乎绝望的阿拉伯人宣称，如果他们屈服于这样的要求，他们就会破产，在所要求的五个多蒂中，只派出了两个，并恳求苏丹认为所支付的款项是公正和公平的。 ，并且不再询问。但姆武米苏丹决不打算考虑任何这样的提议，而是宣布他必须拥有三件多蒂，其中两件是乌利亚布料，一件基塔比·巴尔萨蒂，他决心要获得这些，并被送往谢赫·哈迈德的深沉咒骂和谢赫·塔尼的绝望叹息让他沉重不已。

总而言之，乌戈戈一个地区的苏丹职位除了是一个令人愉快的闲职之外，还必须获得非常丰厚的报酬，只要苏丹必须与胆怯的阿拉伯商人打交道，他们害怕表现出任何接近独立和自力更生的东西，以免他们被卷入其中。布。一天之内，苏丹从一个营地收到了 35.25 件 doti（由 Merikani、Kaniki、Barsati 和 Dabwani 组成），价值 14.00 美元，此外还有 49.25 件优质布料（由 Rehani、Sahari 和 Daobwani Ulyah 组成）和一笔 Fundo Bubu 相当于 XNUMX 美元，总共赚了 XNUMX 美元——这对于 Mgogo 酋长来说是最可观的收入。

27 月 XNUMX 日，我们高兴地抖掉了脚上姆伍米的灰尘，继续我们的路线——永远向西。前一天晚上，我的五头驴因马伦加姆卡利水的影响而死亡。在离开姆伍米营地之前，我去看了他们的尸体；但发现它们已被鬣狗吃得干干净净，骨头被一群白颈乌鸦占据了。

当我们经过无数的村庄，看到整片土地都是一片广阔的粮田，数着路边驻足的数十人，贪婪地盯着穆松古的目光时，我不再好奇瓦戈戈的勒索要求。因为很明显，他们只需伸出双手即可拥有商队所包含的任何财富。我开始更好地思考那些深知自己力量却没有使用它的人——那些足够聪明的人，他们明白他们的利益在于允许商队继续前进，而不试​​图做出任何愤怒。

在姆武米和苏丹老巢马坦布鲁地区之间，我数了一下，不少于二十五个村庄，分散在粘土质的彩色平原上。尽管这片平原荒凉，但它的耕种程度比我们离开巴加莫约以来见过的任何其他国家都要好。

当我们终于到达马坦布鲁的博马时，同样一群好奇的人，同样热切的目光，同样的惊讶感叹，同样的大笑声，等待着他们认为穆松古的衣着或举止可笑的事情。我们，就像在姆乌米一样。阿拉伯人是“瓦科农戈”旅行者，他们每天都会见到他们，完全免受我们必须忍受的烦恼。

马坦布鲁的苏丹身材魁梧，肩膀上的巨大头颅可以与米洛相媲美，事实证明他是一个非常通情达理的人。他虽然不如姆武米苏丹那么强大，但却拥有乌戈戈的相当一部分和大约四十个村庄，如果他愿意的话，他可以像他在姆武米一样，压迫我的阿拉伯同伴的商业灵魂。人们给他带来了四块布，作为对他伟大的初步贡品，他说如果阿拉伯人和穆松古再送他四块布，他就会接受。由于他的要求十分合理，这件小事很快就得到了大家满意的解决。不久之后，谢赫哈米德的基兰戈兹拉响了明天进军的信号。

在同一位酋长的命令下，基兰戈齐人站起来在聚集的商队面前讲话。 “言语，言语，来自巴纳，”他喊道。 “听着，基兰戈吉斯！听着，Unyamwezi 的孩子们！旅程是为了明天！路又弯又不好，不好！丛林就在那里，里面隐藏着许多瓦戈戈！瓦戈戈用矛攻击帕加兹，并割断那些携带穆通巴（捆包）和乌尚加（珠子）的人的喉咙！瓦戈戈人去过我们的营地，他们看到了你们的包裹；今晚他们寻找丛林：明天好好观察，万亚姆韦齐啊！紧密团结，不落后！基兰戈齐斯走得很慢，以便弱者、病人和年轻人可以跟上强者！旅途中休息两次！这是彼那（大师）的话。你听到他们的声音了吗，Wanyamwezi？ （大家大声喊叫。）你听得懂吗？ （另一段合唱）；然后是巴斯；”说完这句话，能言善辩的基兰戈兹就退回到漆黑的夜色和他的草屋里了。

前往我们下一个营地比哈瓦纳 (Bihawana) 的行军崎岖而漫长，穿过一片绵延不绝的桉树和荆棘丛林，爬上陡峭的山丘，最后越过一片炎热的平原，而太阳随着接近子午线而变得越来越热，直到看起来烧焦了无生命的自然的所有活力，而眼前的景色却是一片白色的火焰，痛苦的景象难以忍受，徒劳地寻求缓解。这次行军还经过了几条沙质水道，上面有许多大象的踪迹。这些河床的坡度走向东南和南方。

在这片灼热的平原中央，矗立着比哈瓦纳的村庄，与极其低矮的小屋几乎无法区分，小屋的高度还没有达到高高的漂白草的高度，这些草在无情的炎热中冒着烟。

我们的营地位于一个大博马，距离苏丹的坦贝约四分之一英里。到达营地后不久，三个瓦戈戈人来拜访我，他们问我是否在路上看到了一个瓦戈戈人带着一个女人和孩子。我正要非常天真地回答“是的”，这时马布鲁基——总是为了主人的利益而小心谨慎——要求我不要回答，因为按照惯例，瓦戈戈会指控我消灭了他们，并要求我提供他们的价格。我对他们要对我进行的强加感到愤怒，正准备举起鞭子将他们鞭打出营地，这时马布鲁基再次用咆哮的声音警告我要小心，因为每一击都会让我损失三到四个点。布。由于我不愿意以这样的代价来平息我的愤怒，我不得不咽下我的愤怒，结果瓦戈戈逃脱了惩罚。

我们在这个地方停留了一天，这对我来说是一个很大的安慰，因为我正遭受严重的间歇性发烧，在这种情况下持续了两周，并且完全阻止了我完整地发表我的日记，这是我每天晚上的习惯行军之后。

比哈瓦纳苏丹尽管他的臣民性情邪恶，随时准备盗窃和谋杀，但他满足于三个多蒂作为洪加。我从这位首领那里得到了关于我的第四支商队的消息，这支商队在与他手下的一些非法臣民的战斗中表现出色。我的士兵在伏击了我的几个传教士后，杀死了两个试图抢走一包布和一袋珠子的人。士兵们及时赶到，果断挫败了这一企图。苏丹认为，如果所有的商队都像我的一样受到严密的看守，那么在路上对他们的掠夺就会减少；我衷心同意。

30 月 XNUMX 日，我们行军穿过下一任苏丹的坦贝，地点是基迪迪莫，距比哈瓦纳仅四英里。这条路穿过一片平坦细长的平原，平原位于两座绵长的山脊之间，山脊上密布着巨大的猴面包树。基迪莫的面貌极其黯淡。就连瓦戈戈人的脸庞，也似乎因为周围的荒凉而染上一丝黯淡的色彩。附近的坑里的水味道很难闻，不到一小时就有两只驴生病死亡。人类感到恶心和对制度的普遍烦躁，因此通过最衷心地咒骂国家及其愚蠢的统治者来报复自己。然而，高潮到来了，孟买报告说，在试图解决穆洪戈人之后，酋长的头自从听说穆松古人来了之后就变大了，而且除非他能提取十个点，否则它的“大”不能减少。作为贡品。尽管需求量很大，但我并没有心情去争论这个金额——因为穆库古鲁的反复攻击，我变得虚弱，几乎没有勇气——因此，我没多说什么就付了钱。但阿拉伯人继续谈判了整个下午，最后每人支付了八个多提。

在基迪迪莫和尼亚姆布瓦之间，苏丹彭贝拉佩雷地区有一片广阔而漫长的森林和丛林，栖息着大象、犀牛、斑马、鹿、羚羊和长颈鹿。 31日凌晨开始；我们进入了丛林，从基迪迪莫的凉亭里可以清楚地看到丛林的黑线和茂密的河岸。行程两个小时，我们在甜甜的水池边停下来休息和吃早餐，周围环绕着大片鲜绿的翠绿，这里是丛林里野生动物的绝佳度假胜地，它们的足迹很多，而且都是最近的。一条狭窄的明渠，被树叶深深地遮蔽，是躲避刺眼阳光的绝佳场所。午时，解了渴，解了饥，解了葫芦，我们从阴凉处出发，进入了正午的炎热之中。这条小路蜿蜒进出丛林和稀疏的森林，进入开阔的草地，像残茬一样白，进入树丛和荆棘丛，散发出像马厩一样的恶臭。穿过大片含羞草和猴面包树群，穿过充满高贵动物的国家，虽然我们经常看到它们，但我们的步枪仍然安全，就像我们在印度洋一样。像我们现在做的那样，Terekeza 是不容拖延的。中午留下的水，直到第二天中午都没有得到一滴；除非我们在这一天行军又快又远，否则强烈的干渴会让每个人士气低落。就这样，我们勇敢地劳作了六个小时，疲惫不堪。日落时分，我们扎营，但在太阳升起一个小时之前，我们还要进行两个小时的行军，这会阻碍我们和尼亚姆布瓦营地之间的距离。那天晚上，男人们在树下宿营，周围是绵延数英里的茂密森林，享受着凉爽的夜晚，没有帽子或帐篷的保护，而我则在一阵高烧中呻吟和翻腾了一整夜。

早晨来临了；当它还年轻的时候，长长的商队，或者一串商队，就已经开始了。承认，这是同一片森林，在我们穿过的狭窄路线上，但一次只有一个人。它的观点同样有限。我们左右两侧的森林又黑又深。上方是一条玻璃般的天空，上面点缀着漂浮的雨云。除了飞鸟发出的几声杂音，或者人们唱歌、哼唱、交谈或喊叫时商队的喧闹声，我们什么也没听到，因为他们突然想到我们快到水边了。我的一位帕加齐（pagazi）又累又病，摔倒了，再也没有站起来。在他去世前，最后一支商队从他身边经过。

早上 7 点，我们在 Nyambwa 扎营，口渴的骆驼们饥渴地喝着这里的优质水。村庄附近已经出现了大片的麦田，看到这些，我们意识到商队正在加快脚步，接近停靠的地方。当瓦松古号驶入人口稠密地区时，瓦戈戈人尽最大努力在他们经过之前看到他们。男女老少都成群结队地围着我们——一群嚎叫的暴民。这种过度的外露引起了我的水手监督的典型评论：“好吧，我宣布，这些一定是真正的乌戈吉亚人，因为他们盯着看！凝视——他们的凝视没有尽头。我真想打他们的脸！”事实上，尼亚姆布瓦瓦戈戈的行为是对瓦戈戈一般行为的夸大。迄今为止，我们所遇到的那些人都满足于凝视和喊叫。但这些人超越了一切界限，我对他们过度无礼的行为越来越愤怒，我抓住他们中最吵闹的人的脖子，在他从惊讶中恢复过来之前，我用我的狗鞭打了他一点儿也不喜欢。这一行为从凝视者部落中引出了他们天生的谩骂和谩骂的力量，在表达这些力量时他们是独特的。他们的说话方式就像愤怒的公猫一样，语气中夹杂着嘶嘶声和半汪汪的叫声。射精时，就我的发音而言，是用尖锐的渐强音调发出的“hahcht”。他们来回踱着步，问自己：“瓦戈加人会像奴隶一样被这个穆松古殴打吗？ Mgogo 是 Mgwana（自由人）；他不习惯被打，——hahcht。”但每当我向他们挥动鞭子时，这些强大的吹牛者就会发现，可以方便地移动到远离恼怒的穆松古的地方。

意识到一点点男子气概和展示力量是瓦戈戈人长期需要的东西，在这种情况下它可以让我摆脱烦恼，我求助于我的鞭子，每当他们超越节制时，它的长鞭子就会像手枪射击一样发出裂纹。只要他们继续将他们的唐突行为限制在盯着我，并互相交流他们对我的肤色、衣着和装备的意见，我就会在哲学上默默地接受他们的娱乐；但当他们向我施压，几乎不让我继续前进时，我用我那条耐用的丁字裤左右猛烈而快速地砍了几下，很快就清理了轨道。

彭贝拉·佩雷（Pembera Pereh）是一位奇怪的老人，个子很小，如果他不是乌戈戈最伟大的苏丹，他就显得非常无足轻重。并享有对许多其他部落的某种直接权力。尽管他是一位如此重要的首领，但他的衣着却是他的臣民中最简陋的，——总是肮脏的，——永远油腻的——永远肮脏的。但这些都只是怪癖：作为一位明智的法官，他是无与伦比的，他总是准备好躲避从每年与 Unyanyembe 进行贸易的无精打采的阿拉伯商人那里提取布料；并轻松处理超出普通人负担的司法案件。

谢赫·哈米德被选为正在穿越乌戈戈的联合商队的向导，他身材娇小，身材脆弱，可能会被认为是他著名原型“Dapper”的模仿者。由于体型如此之大，他的体重和体型上的不足只能通过活动来弥补。他一到达营地，人们就看到他那衣冠楚楚的身影在大博马的一边跳来跳去，坐立不安，安排，扰乱一切和每个人。他不允许任何捆包或包装混在一起，或者与他自己的捆包或包装太靠近。他有一种最喜欢的货物堆放方式，他会亲眼目睹这种方式的进行。他对搭建帐篷的最佳地点有着特殊的眼光，任何人都不得侵入那片土地。人们可能会想象，每天步行十或十五英里，他会将这些琐事留给他的仆人，但事实并非如此，除非他亲自监督，否则任何事情都不可能是对的。他在工作中孜孜不倦，不知疲倦。

另一个并不罕见的特点与谢赫·哈米德有关。由于他不是一个富人，他努力工作，以充分利用每一笔 shukka 和 doti 的支出，而每一次新的支出似乎都在啃噬着他的要害：正如他自己所说，他准备为高价哭泣。乌戈戈及其苏丹的勒索要求。因此，作为商队的首领，只要他力所能及，我们就一定不会在乌戈戈耽搁，因为那里的食物非常昂贵。

哈迈德一生都会记住我们到达尼亚布瓦的那一天，因为他所遭受的麻烦和烦恼。他的不幸源于这样一个事实：他太忙于在营地里打理，让他的驴子误入了苏丹彭贝拉·佩雷的马塔马田地。他和他的仆人花了好几个小时寻找迷失的驴子，直到傍晚才返回，完全没有成功。当厄运降临到他身上，损失了价值一百多美元的马斯喀特驴时，哈米德像只有东方人才能做的那样哀号。年长、更有经验、更明智的谢赫塔尼建议他应该将自己的损失通知苏丹。根据明智的建议，哈米德派遣了两名奴隶组成的使者，他们带回的信息是，彭贝拉·佩雷的仆人发现了那两只驴子在吃未成熟的马塔马，除非拥有它们的阿拉伯人愿意先支付九个多提。一流的衣服，他，彭贝拉·佩雷，肯定会保留它们，作为他们吃掉的马塔马的报酬。哈米德陷入了绝望。九点上等布料，在乌尼亚延贝价值 25 美元，相当于半个楚卡的谷物，在他看来，这是一个荒谬的需求；但如果他不付钱，那价值一百美元的驴子会怎样呢？他前往苏丹，向他展示损害索赔的荒谬性，并努力让他接受一丘卡，这将是驴子消耗的谷物价值的两倍多。但苏丹正坐在庞贝上；他喝醉了，我相信这是他的正常状态——醉得太厉害，无法处理事务，因此他的副手，一个叛徒姆尼亚姆韦齐（Mnyamwezi）就开始倾听事务。大多数瓦戈戈酋长身边都住着一位姆尼亚姆韦齐，他是他们的得力助手、总理、顾问、刽子手，除了公共利益之外，随时准备好做任何事情；一种丑角 Unyamwezi，他是一个如此有趣、焦躁不安、不满足的人，一旦人们听说这种人是姆戈戈苏丹议会的成员之一和首脑，人们就会很想伤害他的苏丹。人。大多数对阿拉伯人实施的勒索都是这些狡猾的叛徒提出的。谢赫·哈迈德发现姆尼亚姆韦齐人比苏丹顽固得多——九件头等布料以下的任何东西都无法赎回驴子。那天的事情仍然没有解决，接下来的一晚，正如人们可以想象的那样，对哈米德来说是一个非常不眠的夜晚。然而，事实证明，失去了驴子、随后的巨额罚款和不眠之夜，却是因祸得福。因为，快到午夜时，一个强盗姆戈戈来到了他的营地，当他试图偷一包布时，这个行为被完全清醒且恼怒的阿拉伯人发现了，一颗子弹在他附近呼啸而过，他立即消失了。他的耳朵。

姆尼亚姆韦齐从商队的每一位负责人那里收到了十五个多提，作为对他醉酒主人的贡品，而从其他六个商队每人收到了六个多提，总共五十一个多提，但第二天早上，当我们上路时，他哈米德的罚款中丝毫没有扣除一布一布的意思，因此不幸的谢赫不得不清算这笔债权，或者留下他的驴子。

穿过彭贝拉佩雷 (Pembera Pereh) 的玉米地后，我们来到了一片宽阔平坦的平原，平坦得就像池塘平静的水面一样，瓦戈戈盐就是从那里获得的。从南边公路上的坎耶尼 (Kanyenyi) 开始，一直延伸到乌洪巴 (Uhumba) 和乌巴纳拉马 (Ubanarama) 的范围之外，这片盐田一直延伸到其中，里面有许多大池塘，里面都是咸水，低矮的河岸上覆盖着具有硝酸盐性质的气泡。随后，两天后，登上分隔乌戈戈和乌扬兹的高架山脊后，我看到了这片占地一百多平方英里的巨大盐碱平原。我可能被骗了，但我想象自己看到了大片灰蓝色的海水，这让我相信这个盐湖只是一个大盐湖的一角。从 Nyambwa 到 Uyanzi 边境，数量众多的 Wahumba 人告诉我的士兵，北方有一个“Maji Kuba”。

米赞扎 (Mizanza) 是我们继尼亚姆布瓦 (Nyambwa) 之后的下一个营地，坐落在一片棕榈树林中，距离后者约 13 英里。到达后不久，我不得不把自己埋在毯子里，因为在马伦加·姆卡利过境期间第一次袭击我的间歇性发烧同样困扰着我。我确信一天的停止可以让我定期服用无价的奎宁硫酸盐，从而治愈我的病，我请求谢赫塔尼告诉哈米德明天停止，因为我完全无法继续这么长时间，在一种剧毒疾病的反复侵袭下，我很快就只剩下皮包骨了。哈米德急于赶到乌尼亚延贝，以便在其他商队出现在市场之前处理掉他的布匹，他起初回答说，他不会、也不能停下来前往穆松古。在萨尼向我报告他的答复后，我要求他通知哈米德，由于穆松古不想拘留他或任何其他商队，他明确希望哈米德能够离开他，因为他足够强大带枪独自穿过乌戈戈。无论是什么原因改变了酋长的决心和他离开的焦虑，那天晚上哈米德没有听到行军的号角信号，第二天他也没有离开。

一大早我就开始服用奎宁。早上 6 点，我服用了第二剂；中午之前，我又吃了四粒——总共五十粒——其结果是大量的汗水浸湿了法兰绒、亚麻布和毯子。中午之后，我起床了，心中满怀感激，因为过去十四天以来一直困扰我的疾病终于在奎宁的帮助下消失了。

这一天，高耸的帐篷和从中心杆飘扬的美国国旗吸引了米赞扎苏丹的到来，他也因此来拜访了我。 由于他在阿拉伯人中因协助曼瓦·塞拉对抗谢赫·斯尼·本·阿梅尔的战争而臭名昭著，伯顿和随后的斯皮克都为他写下了崇高的悼词，当然，因为他是乌戈戈第二强大的酋长他对我来说是个很好奇的人。 当帐篷门被打开以便他进入时，这位古老的绅士对高耸的顶部和内部布置感到非常惊讶，以至于油腻的巴尔萨蒂布成为他唯一的保护，以抵御夜晚的寒冷和炎热。中午，他在心不在焉的状态下跪了下来，在穆松古邪恶的目光下，看到了曾经是一座高耸建筑的悲伤而陈旧的残骸。 他的儿子，一个十五岁左右的年轻人，注意到他父亲的体弱多病，以孝顺的态度赶紧提醒他自己的状况，对此，他对这件事发出了愚蠢的窃笑声，然后又穿上了他那件单薄的衣服，坐下来思考着。胡言乱语地表达了他对帐篷以及构成穆松古个人行李和家具的奇怪事物的钦佩之情。 愚蠢而惊奇地凝视着桌子，上面放着一些陶器和我随身携带的几本书。在悬挂的吊床上，他相信吊床是由某种神奇的装置悬挂起来的；到了装着我衣服的箱子时，他突然喊道：“嗨，乐！ 穆松古是一位伟大的苏丹，他从自己的国家来看望乌戈戈。”然后他注意到了我，再次对我苍白的肤色和直发感到惊讶，现在提出的问题是：“当太阳把他人民的皮肤烧成黑色时，我到底是怎么变白的？”于是，有人向他展示了我的软木顶帽子，他在自己的毛茸茸的头上试了一下，这让他自己和我们都很开心。 接下来，有人向他展示了枪支。温彻斯特公司的神奇连发步枪，它可以快速连续射击十三次，以展示其非凡的杀伤力。 如果他之前感到惊讶，那么现在他会更加惊讶一千倍，并表示他相信瓦戈戈在战斗中无法站在穆松古面前，因为无论在哪里看到姆戈戈，这样的枪肯定会杀死他。 然后其他枪械也被拿出来，每一种都有其独特的机制解释，直到我的财富和权力爆发出热情，他说他会送我一只绵羊或山羊，并且他将成为我的兄弟。 我感谢他给予我的荣幸，并答应接受他乐意送给我的任何东西。 在担任翻译的谢赫塔尼（Sheikh Thani）的怂恿下，他说瓦戈戈酋长不能空手离开，我砍下了卡尼基（Kaniki）的一个舒卡（shukka）并将其交给他，经过检查和测量后，他当场拒绝了。穆松古作为一位伟大的苏丹，不应该贬低自己以至于只给他一个舒卡。

他走后不久，我兑现了他的承诺，收到了一只又大又好的羊，尾巴宽，脂肪多。但他说：“既然现在是他的兄弟，我必须送他三块好布。”由于一只羊的价格只有一多提半，我拒绝了羊和兄弟的荣誉，理由是礼物都是一方的；而且，由于我已经付了穆洪戈的钱，并给了他一件卡尼基的多蒂作为礼物，我不能在没有足够回报的情况下放弃更多的布料。

下午，我的一头驴子又死了，晚上，鬣狗成群结队地来吃尸体。猎手乌里门戈（Ulimengo）是我的旺瓦纳（Wangwana）中最好的射手，他偷偷溜了出去，成功射中了两只，结果证明这是同类中最大的一只。其中一只从鼻尖到鼻尖有六英尺长。尾巴，腰围三尺。

4号。六月，我们扎营，向西行进约三英里，经过几个咸水塘，然后由西向北行驶，绕过乌戈戈和乌扬兹之间的低矮山丘。

经过三个小时的行军，我们在小无空德库短暂停留，向统治无空德库的他的兄弟进贡。三个多蒂让苏丹满意，该地区只有两个村庄，大部分由田园瓦胡姆巴和叛徒瓦赫赫占据。瓦洪巴人居住在抹灰（牛粪）的圆锥形小屋中，形状像土耳其斯坦的鞑靼帐篷。

就我所见，瓦胡姆巴人是一个优秀且训练有素的种族。这些男人长得非常英俊，身材高大，脑袋小，后脑勺突出。人们在其中寻找厚嘴唇或扁平鼻子是徒劳的。相反，嘴部切割得非常好，而且很小。鼻子是希腊人的鼻子，这种奇特的特征是如此普遍，以至于我立即将他们称为非洲的希腊人。他们的下肢不像瓦戈戈人和其他部落那样沉重，而是修长而匀称，像羚羊一样干净。它们的脖子又长又细，小脑袋优雅地摆在脖子上。年轻时的运动员，牧羊人饲养，相互通婚，从而保持了种族的纯洁性，他们中的任何一个人都可以成为雕塑家的合适主题，雕刻家希望在大理石上永垂不朽的安提诺乌斯、海拉斯、达夫尼斯或阿波罗。女人同样美丽，男人也同样英俊。它们有着透明的乌木色皮肤，不是煤黑色，而是墨色。他们的装饰品包括从耳朵垂下来的螺旋状黄铜环、脖子上的黄铜环项圈以及腰部周围的黄铜线螺旋带，以固定小牛皮和山羊皮，这些皮折叠在身体上，并且，从肩垂下，遮过半个胸，落到膝盖上。

瓦赫赫人可能被称为非洲的罗马人。停顿了一个小时后，我们又继续行军，在更糟糕的时间里，我们到达了Mukondoku Proper。乌戈戈的这一端是人口最多的地区，围绕着坦贝中部、苏丹斯瓦鲁鲁居住的村庄共有三十六个。人们从这些地方蜂拥而至，想一睹这些脸色苍白、穿着最奇妙的东西、拥有最奇妙的武器的伟大人物。枪声“轰鸣”的速度快得你手指头都数不过来，形成了一群嚎叫的野蛮人，我一瞬间想到，除了好奇之外，还有什么东西引起了如此骚动，并吸引了如此多的人来到路边。我停了下来，问发生了什么事，他们想要什么，为什么发出这么大的声音？一个魁梧的流氓把我的话当作敌对行动宣言，立即拉开了弓，但就像他固定箭一样迅速，我忠诚的温彻斯特在弹匣里装了十三发子弹，已经准备好了，在肩膀上，但等着看箭飞向人群倾泻沉重的死亡使者。但人群来得快，去得也快，只剩下魁梧的瑟西忒斯和他部落中两三个优柔寡断的家伙，站在我水平步枪的射程之内。就在片刻之前，暴民的数量如此之大，以至于我放下了步枪，对这些毁灭者的可耻逃跑发出了由衷的笑声。阿拉伯人同样对他们的喧闹和唐突行为感到震惊，现在他们提出休战，他们成功地达成了令所有人满意的协议。简单解释了几句，暴徒们就回来了，人数比之前更多了。而引起一时骚乱的特尔赛特们，在舆论的压力下，也不得不羞愧地退场。现在出现了一位酋长，后来我得知他是斯瓦鲁鲁的第二个人，他向人们讲述了他们对待“白色陌生人”的方式。

“你不知道吗，瓦戈戈，”他喊道，“这位穆松古是一位苏丹（姆特米——最高的头衔）。他不像瓦科农戈人（阿拉伯人）那样来到乌戈戈进行象牙贸易，而是来看望我们并赠送礼物。你为什么骚扰他和他的人民？让他们平安过去吧。如果你想见他，就靠近他，但不要嘲笑他。你们谁先闹事，就让他小心；我们伟大的姆特米会知道你如何对待他的朋友。”酋长的这一点点演讲努力是由老谢赫塔尼当场翻译给我的。明白了这一点后，我吩咐酋长通知酋长，在我休息之后，我希望他到我的帐篷里来看我。

到达坎比后，乌戈戈的一些大猴面包树总是被瓦戈戈人包围，距苏丹的坦贝约半英里，瓦戈戈人向营地蜂拥而至，谢赫塔尼决定尽力阻止或减轻滋扰。他穿上最好的衣服，去请求苏丹保护他的人民。苏丹喝得酩酊大醉，高兴地说：“你这个小偷，想要什么？你是来偷我的象牙或布料的。走开，小偷！”但是明智的酋长刚刚听到他的声音责备人们对待瓦松古人的方式，他示意塔尼从坦贝出来，然后和他一起前往坎比。

营地里一片哗然。好奇的瓦戈戈几乎垄断了每一英尺的土地。没有转身的余地。万亚姆韦齐人与瓦戈戈人争吵，瓦萨瓦希里仆人大声喧哗，说瓦戈戈人压倒了他们的帐篷，主人的财产处于危险之中；而我则在帐篷里忙着写日记，不在乎外面的噪音和混乱有多大，只要它仅限于瓦戈戈、万亚姆韦齐和旺瓦纳。

酋长出现在营地后，营地里陷入了深深的沉默，我被说服去外面看看到底是什么原因造成的。首长的话不多，但切中要害。他说：“致你的坦贝斯，瓦戈戈——致你的坦贝斯！为什么，你来找瓦科农戈人的麻烦：你和他们有什么关系？对你的天贝：走吧！每个在坎比发现没有饭吃、没有牛可卖的姆戈戈人，都应向姆特米布或牛付款。离开你！”说着，他抓起一根棍子，把数百人赶出了坎比，他们就像许多孩子一样听从他的命令。我们在Mukondoku停留的两天里，我们再也没有看到暴民，一切都很平静。

苏丹斯瓦鲁鲁的穆洪戈只用了几句话就解决了。代表苏丹担任总理的酋长对我送来的雷哈尼·乌利亚的多提感到“高兴”，接受了通常的六件多提贡品，其中只有一件是一流的布料。

在Mukondoku之后，只剩下一位苏丹必须向其支付穆洪戈，这就是基维耶的苏丹，他的名声如此糟糕，以至于控制其传教士的财产所有者很少经过基维耶，而更喜欢长途跋涉的艰辛。荒野中基维耶酋长的粗鲁和过高的要求。但是，除了搬运货物之外，没有任何负担或责任落在帕加齐身上，他们可以在敌对爆发的情况下用腿并露出干净的脚后跟，他们更喜欢向基维耶进军，而不是忍受干渴和特雷克扎的疲劳。当他们的雇主都是像谢赫·哈米德这样胆怯、优柔寡断的人时，传教士的偏好往往会占上风。

7月XNUMX日是我们从Mukondoku出发的预定日期，因此前一天，阿拉伯人来到我的帐篷里与我商议我们应该采取的路线。在召集各个商队的 kirangozis 和经验丰富的 Wanyamwezi pagazis 时，我们了解到从 Mukondoku 到 Uyanzi 有 XNUMX 条道路。第一条是南部道路，出于上述原因，通常采用这条道路，由 Kiwyeh 领导。对此哈米德提出了反对意见。 “苏丹很坏，”他说。 “他有时向商队收取二十多提的费用；我们的商队需要支付大约六十多提。 Kiwyeh 路根本行不通。此外，”他补充道，“我们必须做一条特雷克扎才能到达基维耶，然后我们在后天之前就无法到达。”第二条是中央路。我们应该明天到达穆涅卡；第二天是从 Mabunguru Nullah 到 Unyambogi 附近营地的 terekeza；第二天两个小时我们就到了基蒂，那里有充足的水和食物。由于基兰戈齐人和阿拉伯人都不知道这条路，而且它的描述来自我的一位古老的传教士，哈米德说他不喜欢相信老姆尼亚姆韦齐手中这么大的商队的指导，因此更愿意在做出决定之前先听听第三条路的情况。第三条路是北路。在最初的两个小时里，它经过了瓦戈戈的许多村庄；那么我们应该攻击丛林；三个小时的行军将把我们带到辛博，那里有水，但没有村庄。第二天一早出发，要行驶六个小时才能到达一处水池。在这里稍作休息，下午行军五个小时，不到三个小时就能到达另一个村庄。由于这最后一条路为许多人所知，哈米德说：“谢赫塔尼，告诉大人，我认为这是最好的路。”谢赫塔尼告诉我，当我和他们一起穿过乌戈戈时，他被告知，如果他们决定经过辛博，我的商队就会跟随。

负责人之间就几条路线的优点进行讨论后，立即引起了传教士之间的讨论，导致对辛博公路的顽固叫嚣，因为它的长特雷克扎和缺乏水源，对辛博公路的厌恶情绪自然而然地传达了出来。很快，有关从辛博一直延伸到库苏里的荒野的报道放大了这一消息，那里既没有食物也没有水。哈米德的党徒和阿拉伯仆人们联合起来，宣布他们不能继续进行这次行军，如果哈米德坚持采取这种做法，他们就会放下行李，让他自己拎着。

哈米德·基米亚尼（阿拉伯人对他的称呼）冲到谢赫塔尼面前，宣布他必须走基维耶路，否则他的传教士就会全部逃走。塔尼回答说，所有的路对他来说都是一样的，无论哈米德选择去哪里，他都会跟随。然后他们来到我的帐篷，告诉我万亚姆韦齐人到达的决心。我打电话给我的老兵姆尼亚姆韦齐（Mnyamwezi），他再次向我的帐篷提供了有利的报告，我请他正确描述基蒂公路。这是如此有利，以至于我对哈米德的答复是，我是我的商队的主人，我告诉基兰戈兹的地方，他们就去哪里，而不是帕加兹选择的地方；当我叫他们停下来时，他们就必须停下来；当我命令行军时，他们就应该行军；由于我给他们喂得很好，而且没有让他们过度劳累，所以我希望看到那些不服从我的传教士或士兵。 “你刚才决定要走辛博路，我们也同意了，现在你们的传教士说他们会走基维耶路，或者沙漠。沿 Kiwyeh 路行驶，支付 20 doti muhongo 费用。明天早上我和我的车队将走基蒂路，当你在乌扬延贝发现我比你早一天时，你会后悔没有走同一条路。”

我的这个决定再次改变了哈米德的思绪，因为他立刻说道：“这毕竟是最好的道路，大人决心走这条路，我们都一起走过了艰难的时期。”瓦戈戈的土地，安拉！让我们都走同一条路吧。”塔尼——好老头——没有反对，哈米德决定了，他们俩高兴地走出帐篷去传达这个消息。

7 日，商队——显然一致认为要走基蒂路——像往常一样由哈米德的基兰戈兹带领。我们刚走了一英里，我就意识到我们已经离开辛博路，朝基蒂方向走，并且通过狡猾的绕道，现在正在快速接近我们面前的山脊峡谷，这使得我们可以进入更高的地方。基维耶高原。我立刻停下了我的车队，召唤了经过基蒂旅行的老兵，问他我们是否不去基维耶。他回答说我们是。我把我的传教士召集在一起，吩咐孟买告诉他们，穆苏古从未改变主意；正如我所说，我的商队应该经过基蒂；无论阿拉伯人是否追随，它都必须去基蒂。然后我命令这位退伍军人扛起他的担子，为基兰戈兹人指明通往基蒂的正确道路。万亚姆韦齐家族放下了他们的包裹，然后就有了叛变的迹象。接下来，旺瓦纳士兵被命令装上枪，从侧翼包围商队，射杀第一批试图逃跑的帕加兹。我下马，抓起鞭子，向第一个放下担子的帕奇前进，示意他拿起担子出发。没有必要继续下去；无一例外，大家都乖乖地跟着基兰戈齐人走了。我正要向塔尼和哈迈德告别，塔尼说：“停下来，先生；别再这样了。”我已经受够了这个孩子的游戏；我跟你一起去。”他的商队跟着我的商队转向。哈米德的商队此时已经接近峡谷，而他自己则在峡谷后面一英里处，像个孩子一样哭泣，他很高兴地称我们抛弃了他。怜悯他的困境——因为当他想到基维耶的苏丹、他的勒索和粗鲁时，他几乎发疯了——我建议他追上他的商队，并告诉它，因为其他人都走了另一条路，想想基维耶苏丹。在到达基蒂峡谷之前，我意识到哈米德的商队正在跟踪我们。

山脊崎岖陡峭，最刺的荆棘严酷地惩罚着我们， 金合欢 这里比平时更可怕，牙龈伸出树枝，缠住了货物，含羞草的伞状顶部为我们遮阳，但却阻碍了快速前进。正长岩和花岗岩的陡峭露头被许多英尺磨得光滑，必须爬过去，崎岖的泥土和岩石梯田必须上升，远处的枪声响彻森林，增加了警报和普遍的不满，如果我没有就在我的商队后面，我的万亚姆维兹已经抛弃了一个男人，警惕着我的一举一动。虽然我们攀登的高度仅比我们刚刚离开的盐沼高出 800 英尺，但攀登过程却花费了两个小时。

克服了高原和最困难的困难后，我们有了一条相对平坦的路，穿过丛林、森林和小片开阔地，三个多小时后，我们到达了穆涅卡（Munieka），一个小村庄，周围是一片开垦茂密的空地。穆孔杜库斯瓦鲁鲁臣民的殖民地。

当我们到达营地时，除了哈米德之外，每个人都恢复了良好的幽默感和满足感。萨尼的手下碰巧把他的帐篷设置得离哈米德的树太近了，哈米德的包裹就堆在树周围。我们不知道这位小酋长是否想象出诚实的老萨尼能够偷一个帐篷，但可以肯定的是，他对他最好朋友的帐篷附近的邻居大发雷霆，大肆咆哮，直到萨尼下令将帐篷移到一百码外。看来，这一举动甚至没有让哈米德满意，因为正如塔尼所说，当时已经是半夜了，哈米德来了，亲吻他的手和脚，跪下恳求宽恕，当然，塔尼是善良的灵魂——大自然和人类一样心胸宽广，心甘情愿地给予。然而，哈米德并不满足，直到在奴隶的帮助下，他将朋友的帐篷运到了最初搭建的地方。

穆涅卡的水取自正长岩隆起的深洼地，清澈如水晶，冰冷如冰水——这是我们离开辛巴姆文尼以来从未体验过的奢华。

我们现在正处于乌扬兹（Uyanzi）的边界，或者更广为人知的是，“马贡达·姆卡利”（Magunda Mkali）——热地或热场。我们已经经过了瓦戈戈居住的村庄，正准备抖掉脚上乌戈戈的灰尘。我们满怀希望地进入乌戈戈，相信这是一片最宜人的土地——一块流着奶和蜜的土地。我们非常失望。事实证明，这是一片充满胆怯和痛苦的土地，充满了烦恼和精神烦恼，每一步都面临着危险，在那里我们面临着醉酒苏丹的反复无常。那么，此时此刻大家都感到高兴，这难道不奇怪吗？当我们看到许多人认为是真正的荒野的前景时，我们的热情不但没有减弱，反而更加增强了。在许多情况下，非洲的荒野比人口稠密的国家更友好。今天早上，基兰戈兹人吹响捻角羚号角的声音比他在乌戈戈时习惯的要快得多。我们即将进入马贡达·姆卡利。上午 9 点，也就是离开 Munieka 三个小时后，也就是我们离开 Ugogo 极限的两个小时后，我们在 Mabunguru Nullah 停下来。明渠在将乌戈戈与马贡达·姆卡利分隔开的山脉中留下源头后，向西南流淌。在雨季，由于河床坡度过大，它几乎无法通行。在阻碍路线的正长岩和玄武岩巨石中可以看到激流力量的痕迹。它们崎岖的角度被磨得光滑，在岩床的地方挖出了深盆地，在旱季充当水库。虽然里面的水看起来黏糊糊的，呈绿色，而且里面有很多青蛙，但绝不难喝。

中午，我们继续行军，万亚姆韦齐人欢呼、喊叫、歌唱，旺瓦纳士兵、仆人和传教士与他们争吵，大声喧哗，使我们正在穿过的昏暗森林里回响着他们的声音。

这里的风景比我们离开巴加莫约后见过的任何风景都要美丽得多。地面升起更大的波浪——到处都是山丘——正长岩的巨大城堡出现了，给森林带来了一种奇怪的外观。从远处看，我们似乎正在走近英格兰的一小部分，就像封建时期的样子一样。岩石呈现出如此奇异的形状。现在，它们变成了一块块高高耸立的圆形巨石，显然很容易受到每一阵风的影响。很快，它们就像钝尖的方尖碑一样耸立起来，比最高的树还要高。它们再次呈现出巨大波浪的形状，玻璃化了。在这里，它们是一小堆破碎的岩石；在那里，他们登上了雄伟的山丘。

下午 5 点，我们已经行驶了二十英里，停止信号响起。凌晨 1 点，月亮升起，哈米德的号角和声音传遍了寂静的营地，唤醒了他的传教士，准备行军。显然谢赫·哈米德已经彻底疯了，否则他为什么要在这么早的时候如此疯狂地行军呢？露水纷纷落下，冷得像霜一样。各方的早期呼吁都发出了不祥的、深深不满的低语声。然而，假设他比我们获得了更好的信息，谢赫塔尼和我决定接受治理，因为事件证明他是对还是错。

由于大家都不满，这一晚，游行在一片沉寂中进行。温度计为 53°，我们所处的海拔高度约为 4,500 英尺。几乎赤身裸体的帕加兹为了保暖而快步走着，许多人在这样做的过程中，被突兀的树根和岩石绊倒，踩在荆棘上，导致脚酸痛。凌晨 3 点，我们到达了乌扬博吉 (Unyambogi) 村，在那里我们躺下休息，一直睡到天亮，我们才能看到艰难的商队即将面临的命运。

我醒来时已是大白天了。太阳在我脸上发出灼热的光芒。谢赫塔尼很快就来通知我，哈米德两小时后就去了基蒂。但当他被要求陪同时，他断然拒绝，并斥责这是愚蠢的，而且完全没有必要。当塔尼询问我的建议时，我认为整件事纯粹是无稽之谈。然后又问他 terekeza 是做什么用的？难道不是为了让商队获得水和食物而进行的下午行军吗？塔尼的回答并非如此。然后我问他乌扬博吉是否没有水或食物。塔尼回答说，他并没有刻意去询问，但村民们告诉他，那里有大量的马塔米亚、印地语、马韦里和羊；他们村里的山羊和鸡价格便宜，这在乌戈戈是闻所未闻的。

“那么，”我说，“如果哈米德想当个傻瓜，杀死他的传教士，我们为什么要这么做呢？我和谢赫·哈米德一样有理由匆忙；但Unyanyembe还很远，我不会因为扮演疯子而危及我的财产。”

正如萨尼所报告的，我们在村子里发现了丰富的粮食，还从附近的一些坑里找到了优质的甜水。一只羊的价格是一丘卡；还按这个价格购买了六只鸡；六种马塔马语、马维里语或印地语可以用相同的金额购买；简而言之，我们终于来到了富足之地。

10 月 XNUMX 日，我们经过四个半小时的旅程抵达基蒂，在那里我们发现无法抑制的哈米德陷入了困境。本来想成为凯撒的他，却被证明是一个优柔寡断的安东尼。他不得不为一位最喜爱的女奴的去世而悲伤，失去了五件阿拉伯衬衫、银袖和金绣夹克，他本想带着这些东西进入乌尼亚延贝，成为一名商人。他的地位随着三名潜逃的仆人而消失，除了铜托盘、米饭和肉饭菜肴，以及两包藏有逃走的旺瓦纳帕吉兹的布料。我的阿拉伯仆人塞利姆问他：“谢赫哈迈德，你在这里做什么？我以为你已经在通往 Unyanyembe 的路上了。”他说：“我可以把我的朋友塔尼留在后面吗？”

基提有丰富的牲畜和谷物，我们能够以低廉的价格获得食物。瓦金布人是来自乌罗里附近乌金布的移民，是一个安静的种族，他们更喜欢和平的农业艺术而不是战争。照顾他们的羊群以征服。只要有战争的传言，他们就会搬走财产和家人，移居到遥远的荒野，在那里他们开始清理土地，并猎杀大象以获取象牙。然而我们发现他们是一个优秀的种族，装备精良，而且从数量和武器来看，他们似乎有能力与任何部落竞争。但在这里，和其他地方一样，分裂使他们变得虚弱。它们只是小殖民地，每个殖民地都由自己的酋长统治。然而，如果他们团结起来，他们可能会在敌人面前建立一个非常令人尊敬的阵线。

我们的下一个目的地是姆萨拉洛，距离基蒂十五英里。哈米德在徒劳地寻找他的逃亡者和他丢失的贵重财产后，跟着我们，当他看到我们在姆萨拉洛扎营时，他再次试图超越我们；但他的传教士让他失望了，因为行军的时间太长了。

经过三个半小时的行军，15 日到达了 Welled Ngaraiso。这是一个繁荣的小地方，那里的粮食几乎比乌扬博吉便宜两倍。向南行进两小时即可到达 Jiweh la Mkoa，位于老路上，我们离开巴加莫约后一直行驶的道路现在正在快速通向那里。

Unyanyembe就在附近，在我们最近进行的长途行军中，传教士和士兵表现出色，我花了三个多提买了一头公牛，并为了他们的特殊利益而将其宰杀。我还给了每人一颗红珠子，以满足他对这个国家所提供的任何小奢侈的胃口。牛奶和蜂蜜很充足，一个shukka买了三个frasilah红薯，大约相当于我们40美分的钱。

13 月 XNUMX 日，经过八又四分之三的短途行军，我们到达了 Jiweh la Singa 地区的最后一个村庄 Magunda Mkali。 Kusuri（阿拉伯人如此称呼）被居住在该地的瓦金布人称为 Konsuli。然而，这只是阿拉伯人错误命名或破坏村庄和地区的原住民名称的众多例子之一。

在恩加莱索和库苏里之间，我们经过了基鲁莫村，现在是一个繁荣的地方，附近有许多繁荣的村庄。当我们经过它时，人们出来迎接穆松古人，他的商队大声喊叫，早已宣告了穆松古人的到来，而穆松古人的士兵帮助他们在与易怒的吉韦·拉姆科阿兄弟的战斗中赢得了胜利。

再往前走一点，我们遇到了一个大坎比，里面住着苏丹·本·穆罕默德，一位有着高血统的阿曼阿拉伯人，他一得知我的到来，就出来欢迎我，并邀请我去他的坎比。由于他的后宫们住在他的帐篷里，我当然没有被邀请去那里。但外面已经为他的访客准备好了地毯。在问了我的健康状况、路上的新闻、桑给巴尔和阿曼的最新消息等常见问题后，他问我是否带了很多衣服。这是羽绒商队的主人经常问的一个问题，其原因是阿拉伯人急于在坦噶尼喀和其他地方的象牙港口生产尽可能多的布料，很容易忘记他们应保留一部分用于下行军。事实上，我只剩下一大包为我的队伍在路上提供补给的布料了，当我在海岸上装备我的商队时，我可以毫不脸红地给出否定的回答。

在经历了一系列漫长的行军之后，我在库苏里停留了一天，让我的商队休息一下，然后开始为期两天的行军，穿越无人居住的荒野，这片荒野将 Jiweh la Singa Uyanzi 地区与 Unyanyembe 的 Tura 地区分开。哈米德走在前面，承诺将我的到来通知赛义德·本·萨利姆，并请他为我提供一个坦贝。

15 日，在确定谢赫塔尼将在库苏里被拘留几天后，由于他的人民因东非可怕的天花瘟疫而被困，我向他告别，我的商队也告别了。再次离开库苏里，前往荒野和丛林。快到中午时，我们在姆贡戈坦博（Mgongo Tembo）的坎比（Khambi）停下来，或称“象背”——因一块岩石而得名，其背部因大气影响而变成深棕色，当地人认为类似于大象的蓝棕色背部。森林的怪物。我的商队在这里与我争论不休，争论的问题是我们应该在今天还是第二天做特雷克扎。大多数人认为第二天是进行特雷克扎的最佳时间；但我，作为“bana”，考虑到自己的利益，坚持认为应该在这一天制作特雷克扎，而不是没有挥舞一两下我的鞭子。

当伯顿和斯皮克经过时，姆贡戈坦博是一个很有前途的定居点，耕种了许多英亩的土地。但两年前，由于其人民在商队上的一些大胆行为，战争爆发了，阿拉伯人带着他们的旺瓦纳仆人从乌尼亚延贝来到这里，袭击了他们，烧毁了村庄，毁掉了多年的成果。从那时起，姆贡戈坦博就变成了一片漆黑的房屋残骸，田野变成了一片正在发芽的丛林。

姆贡戈坦博 (Mgongo Tembo) 姆托尼附近茂密的树林上方有一簇椰枣树，勾起了我对埃及的回忆。河岸上绿树成荫，与两岸棕色干燥的丛林形成了奇怪的对比。

下午 1 点，我们恢复了装载和步行人员，很快就前往了 Ngwhalah Mtoni，距离坎比八又四分之三英里。太阳很热；它就像一个充满生机、沸腾的火焰的球体，在我们的头上燃烧着全部的热量；然后，当它向西下降时，烧焦了空气，然后被渴望它的肺部吸入。一葫芦水很快被倒空，以浇灭喉咙和肺部的灼热。一名牧师感染了严重的天花，最终倒在路边死去。后来我们再也没有见过他，因为商队在特雷克扎上的行进就像是一艘船在飓风中行进。商队必须前行，落后的人有祸了，因为饥渴会追上他；船也必须在狂风中行驶，以免沉没——落水的人有祸！

在深石水库的姆托尼河床中发现了丰富、优质、甘甜且凉爽的水。与马本古鲁一样，这里也清晰可见狂暴激流的痕迹。

Nghwhalah 河始于北部的乌巴纳拉马（Ubanarama）——一个以优良驴品种而闻名的国家——然后向南、西南偏南方向延伸，穿过 Unyanyembe 公路，从这里开始转向西面。

16 日，我们到达了马迪迪塔，这个村庄曾经是一个村庄，但现在已经不复存在了。马迪迪塔距离 Nghwhalah Mtoni 十二英里半。距离路边几百码的一处优质水池是商队可以获得的唯一补给，比乌尼亚姆韦齐的图拉还要近。瓦萨瓦希里人称之为采采蝇或楚夫瓦蝇，它把我们蜇得很厉害，这表明大型动物有时会造访泳池，但绝不能误认为水附近有大型动物。一个水池经常被路过的商队经常光顾，它们必须在这里停下来，但森林里的动物却不能经常光顾，因为在非洲这个地区，人类经常出没的地方，它们很害羞。

黎明时分，天气晴朗，我们在路上迈着比大多数日子更快的步伐，因为我们即将离开马贡达马里，前往人口更多、更好的乌尼亚姆韦齐土地。森林维持了相当长一段时间，令人厌烦，但两个小时后，它变得稀疏，然后变成低矮的丛林，最后完全消失，我们到达了乌尼亚姆韦齐的土地上，有一片广阔的平原，正在膨胀，正在下沉。 ，并在我们的前方以漫长而宏伟的起伏退到一条无限的水平线，在远处呈紫色。眼前的景色是成熟的谷物田野，它们沿着平原的轮廓延伸，在带着雫原的寒意的晨风前欢快地沙沙作响。

上午 8 点，我们到达了图拉东部边境村庄 Unyamwezi，我们不顾当地少数居民的安危而入侵了该村庄。在这里我们找到了农多，他是斯皮克的逃亡者，他是那些站在巴拉卡一边反对孟买的人之一，他渴望与我交往，他足够吸引人，向他以前的同伴提供蜂蜜和果子露，最后给帕吉兹提供蜂蜜和果子露。我们在这里只是做了短暂的呼吸暂停，还需要一个小时的行军才能到达图拉中部。

从图拉东部出发的道路穿过大片的田野，种植着小米、印度玉米、高粱、maweri、panicum 或 bajri（阿拉伯人称之为 bajri）。甘薯花园、大片黄瓜、西瓜、蘑菇瓜和花生，生长在霍尔库斯山脊之间的深沟里。

村庄附近还看到了一些阔叶车前草植物，随着我们的前进，它们变得越来越多。瓦金布人的村庄与瓦戈戈人的村庄相似，呈方形，平顶，围成一片空地，有时被栅栏或马塔马秆分成三或四个部分。

在我们扎营的图拉中部，我们有足够的证据证明图拉的瓦金布人的暴行。哈米德尽管努力在其他阿拉伯人带着布料前来之前及时到达乌尼亚延贝出售他的布料，但仍无法强迫他的传教士每天进行双重行军，他也与阿拉伯仆人一起在图拉中部扎营。比起萨尼的谨慎前进，他更喜欢哈米德愚蠢的匆忙。我们在 Unyamwezi 的第一个晚上确实非常令人兴奋。两个爬行的小偷造访了穆松古的营地，但他们很快就通过扳机的不祥的咔嗒声意识到白人的营地守卫森严。

接下来参观了哈米德的营地。但在这里，主人的焦躁不安也挫败了他们的尝试，因为他手里拿着一把上了膛的枪，在营地里来回踱步。小偷们不得不放弃偷走他的包裹的机会。他们从哈米德的营地出发，前往哈桑（阿拉伯仆人之一）的营地，在那里他们成功地到达并抓住了几捆货物；但不幸的是，他们发出了一声噪音，惊醒了那个警惕而耳朵灵敏的奴隶，他抓起他的步枪，片刻就射穿了其中一个人的心脏。这就是我们在图拉瓦金布 (Wakimbu) 的经历。

18 日，哈米德、哈桑和我自己的三支商队沿着一条蜿蜒曲折的道路离开图拉，穿过高大的马塔马田野，通往各个地点。一小时后，我们经过了图拉佩罗（Tura Perro）或西图拉（Western Tura），再次进入森林，图拉的瓦金布人从那里获取蜂蜜，并在那里为据说森林里盛产大象的大象挖掘陷阱。从西图拉出发一小时的行军，我们来到了一个“ziwa”（即池塘）。有两处位于一片开阔的小平原中间，即使在这个晚季，由于雨季溢出的水，平原仍然很软。休息了三个小时后，我们开始了“terekeza”（下午行军）。

我们离开西图拉后不久就进入了这片森林，我们一直穿过这片森林，直到到达夸拉姆托尼（Kwala Mtoni），或者正如伯顿在他的地图上错误地将其命名为“夸莱”（Kwale）。这种 mtoni 的水储存在大池塘或夸拉宽阔弯曲的沟壑中的深洼地中。在这些池塘里发现了一种泥鱼，我用其中的一种做了一顿饭，对于一个自从离开巴加莫约以来没有尝过鱼的人来说，这绝不是轻视的。或许，如果我有选择的话，当场合需要时，我对口味相当挑剔，我可能不会选择泥鱼。

从图拉（Tura）到夸拉姆托尼（Kwala Mtoni）有十七英里半，这段距离无论每两周走一次多么容易，但当一个人几乎每隔一天就要走一遍时，这段距离就显得非常长了，所以我的朋友们，士兵们，追随者发现了它，当我下令行军时拉响信号时，他们的窃窃私语声非常大。阿卜杜勒·卡德尔 (Abdul Kader) 是我的裁缝，他对我来说是一个随时准备做任何事的人，从补一条裤子，到制作精致的小菜，或者射杀一头大象，但他的内饰被证明是最弱的。他身体虚弱，除了吃喝之外什么都不能做——在这次行军中几乎要倒下。

很久以前，阿卜杜勒从桑给巴尔带来的少量货物，用小手帕折叠起来，他打算用这些货物购买象牙和奴隶，并在著名的乌尼亚姆韦齐土地上发家致富，但随着巨大的希望，阿卜杜勒已经消失了。他在这些东西的基础上进行了建造，就像阿拉伯故事中不幸的陶器主人阿尔纳斯查尔（Alnaschar）的那些东西一样。当我们准备行军时，他来找我，讲述了一个关于他即将死亡的最悲惨的故事，他从骨子里感觉到了这一点，他的背也疲惫不堪：他的双腿几乎无法支撑他；他的双腿几乎无法支撑他。总之，他彻底崩溃了，我会怜悯他，让他走吗？提出这个非同寻常的要求的原因与他离开桑给巴尔时渴望拥有乌尼亚姆韦齐的象牙和奴隶的精神截然不同，是因为在最后一次长征中，我的两头驴子死了，我下令把两匹马鞍放在一起。他们所携带的应该是阿卜杜勒·卡德尔运往乌尼亚延贝的货物。正如弹簧秤所显示的，马鞍的重量为 16 磅，但阿卜杜勒·卡德尔对生活感到厌倦，因为他计算了姆托尼和乌尼亚延贝之间的长距离行军。他倒在地上，亲吻我的脚，以上帝的名义恳求我允许他离开。

由于我在阿比西尼亚有过一些印度人、马拉巴人和苦力的经历，所以我很清楚如何处理这样的案件。我一提出要求就毫不犹豫地答应了，因为尽管阿卜杜勒·卡德尔说他对生活很累，但我也同意阿卜杜勒·卡德尔的无用。但他说，印度人不想被留在丛林中，但是，在抵达乌尼亚延贝后。 “哦，”我说，“那么你必须先到达乌尼亚延贝；与此同时，你将把那些马鞍带到那里，以获取你必须吃的食物。”

由于前往鲁布加的行军距离有十八又四分之三英里，帕加齐们走得又快又长，没有休息。

根据伯顿的书，鲁布加在他的时代是一个繁荣的地区。即使当我们经过时，它以前拥有的财富和繁荣的证据在其广阔的粮田中也很明显，这些粮田向乌尼亚延贝路的左右延伸了许多英里。但它们只是曾经众多村庄、耕种良好、人口稠密、牛群丰富、粮食储备丰富的地区的证据。所有的村庄都被烧毁，人们被从鲁布加驱赶到北方三四天，牛群被强行夺走，粮田被留在那里，长满了丛林和杂草。我们经过一个又一个被烧毁的村庄，只剩下一堆堆焦黑的木头和熏过的粘土。一片片多年前成熟的谷物还矗立在一片桉树、荆棘、含羞草和科尔夸尔作物之中。

我们到达了这个村庄，村里住着大约六十名旺瓦纳人，他们定居在这里以买卖象牙为生。鲁布加人民荒芜的田野里为他们提供了食物。长途跋涉，我们很累，很热，但下午三点，帕加齐们都到了

在旺瓦纳村，我们遇到了阿米尔·本·苏丹，他就是我们在书本上读到的那种阿拉伯老酋长，留着雪白的胡须，面容洁净，牧师的脸庞，在桑给巴尔居住了十年之后，即将返回桑给巴尔。乌尼延贝。他送给我一只山羊；和一张装满大米的山羊皮；在一只山羊要花五块布的地方，这是最能接受的礼物。

在鲁布加停留一天后，我派出士兵通知乌尼亚延贝的两位主要要人谢赫·赛义德·本·萨利姆和谢赫·本·纳西布我的到来，21月XNUMX日，我们恢复向基瓜行军，相距五个小时。这条路穿过另一片森林，类似于图拉和鲁布加之间的森林，随着我们向西行进，这个国家迅速倾斜。我们发现基格瓦也遭到了同样的报复，使鲁布加变成了这样的废物。

第二天，经过三个半小时的快速行军，我们穿过了将基瓜和Unyanyembe地区分隔开的姆托尼（其实不是姆托尼），短暂停留解渴后，又用了三个半小时到达了西扎。这是一次最令人愉快的行军，尽管是一段漫长的行军，因为每隔几分钟就会展现出如画的风景，以及我们随处可见的人们和平勤劳的性格的证据。距什扎仅半小时路程，我们就看到了一片起伏的平原，阿拉伯人选择将中央仓库建在其中，控制着如此广阔的贸易领域。牛群的哞哞声和山羊、绵羊的咩咩声随处可见，给这个国家带来了欢乐的田园风光。

什扎苏丹希望我带着一罐五加仑的粟酒来庆祝我抵达乌尼亚延贝，这是他为此目的带来的。

由于庞贝酒的味道只是陈旧的麦芽酒，颜色是牛奶和水的颜色，喝了一小杯后，我把它递给了高兴的士兵和传教士。应我的请求，苏丹带来了一头肥美的公牛，为此他接受了四个半的梅里卡尼多提。公牛立即被宰杀，并作为商队的告别盛宴。

那天晚上，没有人睡得太多，天还没亮，篝火就被点燃了，烤着大块的牛排，这样他们的胃在与穆松古人告别之前可以感到高兴，因为他们经常品尝到穆松古人的慷慨馈赠。每个拥有枪的士兵和传教士都得到了六发火药，以便在我们接近阿拉伯房屋时开火。最卑鄙的帕奇人都用最好的衣服遮住腰部，有些人则非常勇敢，穿着华丽的乌利亚“Coombeesa Poonga”和深红色的“Jawah”，光滑的“Rehani”和整洁的“Dabwani”。士兵们聚集在新的塔布什，穿着米里马和岛上的长白衬衫。因为这是伟大而幸福的一天，自从离开海岸以来，我们就一直在谈论这一天，为此我们最近进行了那些著名的行军——十六天里走了一百七十八英里半，包括停顿——大约十一点多每天英里。

信号响起，商队欢天喜地出发，旗帜飘扬，号角齐鸣。短短两个半小时的行军，我们就看到了奎库鲁，它位于阿拉伯主要城镇塔波拉以南约两英里处。在外面，我们看到一长排穿着干净衬衫的人，我们打开充电电池，发射了奎库鲁以前很少听到的小型武器。报刊们纷纷关闭，效仿退伍军人的招摇：士兵们不间断地开火，而我，看到阿拉伯人向我逼近，离开队伍，伸出手，谢赫·赛义德·本·萨利姆立即握住了我的手，然后然后大约有两打人，我们就这样进入了Unyanyembe。

当我与省长赛义德·本·萨利姆并肩走向他在奎库鲁（即首都）的坦贝时，受到了无声的热烈鼓掌。万亚姆韦齐的传教士数百人出动，苏丹姆卡西瓦的战士在他们的酋长周围徘徊，孩子们被看到在父母的双腿之间，甚至几个月大的婴儿也被挂在母亲的背上，所有人都付出了代价由于我的肤色而致敬，并以一种高度集中的凝视。唯一与我交谈的人是阿拉伯人和乌尼亚延贝统治者年迈的姆卡西瓦。

赛义德·本·萨利姆的房子位于奎库鲁围墙内的西北角，是一个用栅栏围起来的博马。我们用银茶壶泡茶，大量的“阻尼器”在银盖下冒着烟。我被邀请参加这次宴会。当一个人走了八英里左右，没有吃早餐，并且炎热的热带阳光已经照在他身上三四个小时时，他很容易公正地吃一顿饭，特别是如果他的胃口健康的话。我想我让州长感到惊讶的是，我以灵巧的方式成功地喝下了十一杯他用阿萨姆草药制成的芳香混合物，并且以轻松、毫不费力的方式拆除了他的“slap jacks”高塔，只需要一分钟或几分钟的时间。在银色的盖子下冒着滚烫的烟。

对于这顿饭，我感谢了酋长，因为只有一个真诚而真诚的饥饿者，现在满足了，才能感谢他。即使我没有说话，我满意的表情也清楚地告诉了他，我对他负有什么样的义务。

我的烟斗和烟袋出来了。

“我友好的酋长，你愿意抽烟吗？”

“不，谢谢！阿拉伯人从不抽烟。”

“哦，如果你不这样做，也许你不会反对我抽烟，以帮助消化？”

“Ngema——很好——继续吧，主人。”

然后开始提问，八卦的、好奇的、严肃的、轻松的问题：

“主人怎么来了？

“在姆普瓦普瓦路边。”

“这很好。马卡塔很糟糕吗？”

“很坏。”

“桑给巴尔有什么消息吗？”

“好的;赛义德·图尔基占领了马斯喀特，阿齐姆·本·吉斯则在街上被杀。”

“这是真的吗，瓦拉希？” （老天为证。）

“是真的。”

“嘿嘿嘿！这是新闻！”——抚摸着他的胡子。

“主人，您听说过苏莱曼·本·阿里吗？”

“是的，孟买总督派他乘坐战舰前往桑给巴尔，苏莱曼·本·阿里现在躺在古莱扎（堡垒）里。”

“呵呵，那就太好了。”

“你必须向瓦戈戈致敬吗？”

“八次；哈米德·基米亚尼希望我从基维耶前往，但我拒绝了，并穿过森林前往穆涅卡。哈米德和萨尼认为跟随我比独自勇敢的基维耶更好。”

“来这里的哈吉·阿卜杜拉（伯顿船长）和斯皮基在哪里？” （说吧。）

“哈吉·阿卜杜拉！什么哈吉·阿卜杜拉？啊!我们称他为谢赫·伯顿。哦，他现在是一个伟大的人了； El Scham 的 balyuz（领事）”（大马士革。）

“呵呵；巴柳兹！嘿，在El Scham！那不是在 Betlem el Kuds 附近吗？” （耶路撒冷。）

“是的，大约四天。斯皮基死了。他不小心开枪自杀了。”

“啊，啊，Wallah（天哪），但这是个坏消息。斯皮基死了吗？马什阿拉！唉，他是一个好人——一个好人！死的！”

“但是谢赫·赛义德这个卡泽在哪里？”

“卡泽？卡泽？我以前从未听说过这个名字。”

“但是你和伯顿、斯皮克一起在卡泽；你们在那里住了几个月，当时你们都在Unyanyembe停留；它一定就在这儿附近；某处。哈吉·阿卜杜拉和斯皮基在乌尼亚延贝时住在哪里？不是在穆萨·姆祖里的家里吗？”

“那是在塔波拉。”

“那么，卡泽在哪儿呢？我还没见过那个能告诉我那个地方在哪里的人，但这三个白人却记下了这个词，作为你和他们在一起时他们居住的地方的名字。你一定知道它在哪里。”

“Wallahi、bana，我从未听说过这个名字；但是停下来吧，Kazeh 在 Kinyamwezi 中的意思是“王国”。也许他们给他们停下来的地方起了这个名字。但后来，我习惯把第一栋房子称为 Sny bin Amer 的房子，Speke 住在 Musa Mzuri 的房子里，但这两栋房子以及其他所有房子都在塔波拉。”

“谢谢你，谢赫。我想去照顾我的人民；他们一定都想要食物。”

“我会和你一起去带你参观你的房子。坦贝位于奎哈拉 (Kwihara)，距离塔波拉 (Tabora) 仅一小时步行路程。”

离开奎库鲁时，我们越过一座低矮的山脊，很快就看到奎哈拉位于两座低矮的山丘之间，最北端的山丘向西终止于津比利圆形堡垒般的山丘。山谷上空照射着一道冷酷的阳光，这可能是普遍的荒凉或秋季草成熟的结果，没有任何颜色的深度来改变普遍的相同性。在那耀眼的阳光和最清澈的气氛下，山峦被漂白了，或者说似乎是被漂白了。玉米早已收割完毕，地上只剩下残茬和田野——一片棕白色的土地。房子是泥巴做的，平屋顶也是泥巴做的，而泥巴是棕白色的。小屋是用茅草盖的，周围的栅栏是用树皮木制成的，这些都是棕白色的。从乌萨原山吹来的寒风凛冽，刺入骨髓，但强烈的阳光却始终没有改变，一两只黑牛，或一棵参天大树，一时引人注目，但他们永远不会忘记，奎哈拉的第一印象就像是一幅没有色彩的图画，或者是没有味道的食物。抬头一看，天空是淡蓝色的，一尘不染，宁静得可怕。

当我接近赛义德·本·萨利姆的神庙时，谢赫·本·纳西布和其他伟大的阿拉伯人加入了我们。在坦贝的大门前，人们把捆包堆起来，把箱子堆起来，用舌头飞快地向第一、第二、第四商队的首领和士兵讲述发生的许多事情。对他们来说，这似乎是唯一值得联系的事情。他们显然对自己有限的圈子之外的事情漠不关心。然后其他商队的几位首领依次讲述了他们这一路的经历。舌头的声音又大又激烈。但当我们走近时，所有这些大声的闲聊都停止了，我的商队首领和向导冲向我，称我为“主人”，并像他们的朋友一样向我致敬。一个忠诚的巴鲁蒂扑倒在我的脚下，其他人纷纷开枪，像疯子一样突然变得疯狂，四面八方都响起了“欢迎”的呼喊声。

“进来吧，主人，现在这是你的房子；这是你的男士宿舍；在这里您将接待伟大的阿拉伯人，这里是厨房；这里是仓库；这里是顽固者的监狱；这是你们白人的公寓；这些是你自己的：看，这里是卧室，这里是枪房、浴室等等；”谢赫·赛义德一边向我展示了几个地方，一边说道。

以我的名誉来说，这是中非最舒适的地方。人们几乎可以充满诗意，但我们将在未来保留如此雄心勃勃的想法。然而，现在我们必须把货物储存起来，这支小小的运输大军得到了回报并解散了。

孟买奉命打开坚固的储藏室，将捆包按规则的层数堆放，珠子一排排地排成一排，而铁丝则放在单独的地方。船只、帆布等要放置在白蚂蚁够不到的高处，弹药箱和火药桶要存放在枪房里，远离危险。然后一包布被打开，每个承运人都根据自己的功绩得到奖励，以便他们每个人都可以回家见他的朋友和邻居，并告诉他们白人的行为比阿拉伯人好得多。

随后收到了第一、第二和第四商队领导人的报告，检查了他们各自的商店，并听取了他们行军的细节和事件。第一支商队在基鲁莫参加了一场战争，并成功地结束了战斗，并毫发无伤地到达了乌尼亚延贝。第二个人在彭贝拉佩雷和基迪迪莫之间的森林里射杀了一名小偷；第四个在马伦加·姆卡利（Marenga Mkali）的丛林中丢失了一个包裹，搬运它的搬运工被其中一个在乌戈戈边境附近的丛林中徘徊的小偷挥舞的旋钮棍子弄得“头疼”。我很高兴地发现他们的不幸不再存在，每个领导者当时都得到了一件漂亮的衣服和五枚梅里卡尼多提的奖励。

正当我又开始感到饥饿的时候，几个奴隶陆续来了，托盘上盛满了阿拉伯人的好东西。第一份是一大盘米饭，一碗咖喱鸡，另一份是十几个巨大的面饼，另一份是一盘热气腾腾的油条，另一份是木瓜，另一份是石榴和柠檬；在这些人之后是赶着五头肥牛、八只绵羊和十只山羊的人，还有一个人带着十几只鸡和十几个新鲜鸡蛋。这是真实的、实际的、高尚的礼节、慷慨的款待，令我感激不已。

我的人民现在减少到二十五人，他们对我的桌子和院子里可见的挥霍丰盛感到高兴，就像我自己一样。当我看到他们的眼睛因他们放荡的幻想而呈现出油滑的期待时，我下令宰杀并分发一头公牛。

探险队抵达这个国家的第二天，我现在将其视为自船长以来的经典之地。伯顿、斯皮克和格兰特几年前曾参观过它，并描述过它，来自塔波拉的阿拉伯富豪也来祝贺我。

塔博拉*是中非的主要阿拉伯定居点。它包含一千多个小屋和坦贝，可以安全地估计人口，包括阿拉伯人、旺瓦纳人和当地人，有五千人。在塔波拉和下一个定居点奎哈拉之间，矗立着两座崎岖的山脊，山脊之间被一座低矮的马鞍隔开，从奎哈拉始终可以看到山脊上方的塔波拉。 ________________ * 没有像 Kazeh 这样被认可的地方。 ________________

这些阿拉伯人是一群优秀、英俊的男人。他们大多来自阿曼：其他人是瓦萨瓦希里人；我的每一位来访者都有不少随从。在塔波拉，他们生活得相当奢侈。定居点所在的平原虽然没有树木，但极其肥沃。它提供的丰富牧场使他们能够饲养大群牛和山羊，从中获得充足的牛奶、奶油、黄油和酥油。到处都种植水稻；红薯、山药、muhogo、holcus sorghum、玉米或印度玉米、芝麻、小米、豌豆或野豌豆（称为 choroko）价格便宜，而且总是可以买到。阿拉伯人在他们的部落周围种植了一些小麦以供自己使用，并种植了橙子、柠檬、木瓜和芒果，这些植物在这里生长得相当好。洋葱、大蒜、辣椒、黄瓜、西红柿和茄子可能是白人游客从更重要的阿拉伯人那里采购的，他们无疑是享乐主义者。他们的奴隶每年至少一次从海岸向他们运送储存的茶叶、咖啡糖、香料、果冻、咖喱、葡萄酒、白兰地、饼干、沙丁鱼、鲑鱼，以及他们生活所需的精美布料和物品。自己个人使用。几乎每一个显赫的阿拉伯人都能够展示丰富的波斯地毯、最豪华的床上用品、全套的茶和咖啡器具，以及雕刻精美的镀锡铜和黄铜紫菜盘。其中一些人戴着金表和金链，大多数都是某种手表和金链。而且，就像在波斯、阿富汗和土耳其一样，后宫是每个阿拉伯家庭的基本特征。伊斯兰教徒的肉欲主义在这里和东方一样突出。

现在站在我坦贝前门前的阿拉伯人是前一天收到的好东西的捐赠者。当然，出于职责，我首先向谢赫·赛义德致意，然后是桑给巴尔驻卡拉瓜领事谢赫·本·纳西卜殿下，然后我向阿拉伯人口中最高尚的特洛伊人致意，他的举止最高尚，勇气最高尚，具有男子气概——谢赫卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉；然后是年轻的阿姆兰·本·穆苏德，他现在正在向乌罗里国王和他暴躁的人民发动战争；然后是英俊勇敢的苏德，赛义德·本·马吉德的儿子；然后是塔尼·本·阿卜杜拉；然后是穆苏德·本·阿卜杜拉和他的表弟阿卜杜拉·本·穆苏德，他们拥有伯顿和斯皮克以前居住的房屋；然后是老苏里曼·多瓦、赛义德·本·赛义夫和塔波拉老酋长谢赫·苏丹·本·阿里。

由于这些权贵的来访，白人旅行者必须在他们的关爱保护下屈服，这只是一种正式的访问，例如阿拉伯礼仪，有史以来最庄严和最真实的，促使他们这样做，所以没有必要将有关我的健康的谈话联系起来，以及他们的财富，我的感谢，以及他们对我的忠诚和依恋。在用完我们相互的祝贺和废话之后，他们离开了，并表达了他们希望我去塔波拉拜访他们并参加他们即将为我准备的盛宴的愿望。

三天后，我在十八名穿着勇敢的护卫人员的护送下离开坦贝，去拜访塔波拉。翻过从奎哈拉山谷通往塔波拉的马鞍路，阿拉伯人定居点所在的平原就展现在我们面前，这是一片广阔的暗褐色牧场，从我们左边的山脚一直延伸到最远的地方。贡贝北部的河岸在距离塔波拉几英里的地方隆起，形成紫色的山丘和蓝色的锥体。

不到三刻钟，我们就坐在了苏丹·本·阿里的坦贝的泥泞阳台上，由于他的年龄、财富和地位——作为赛义德·布尔加什不可爱的军队中的上校——他被他的同胞们所瞧不起。 ，高低，作为裁判员和辅导员。他的围场里有一个由蜂巢状小屋和方形坦贝组成的村庄。从这里，我们喝了一杯摩卡咖啡和一些果子露，然后朝哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉的家走去，他为我的到来准备了一场盛宴，并邀请了他的朋友和邻居参加。一群庄严的阿拉伯人穿着白色长裙，戴着俏皮的雪白帽子，随时准备欢迎我来到塔波拉，这给我留下了深刻的印象。我正赶上他们召开的战争会议——我被邀请参加。

卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉 (Khamis bin Abdullah) 是一位大胆而勇敢的人，随时准备捍卫阿拉伯人的特权，以及他们通过任何国家进行合法贸易的权利。据报道，“尼罗河”枪杀了莫拉，一位在 1860 年战争期间站在曼瓦塞拉一边的老酋长；随后，他在乌戈戈和乌尼亚姆韦齐追赶他无情的敌人五年后，一直追赶到乌科农戈，并满意地将他斩首，现在他正在敦促阿拉伯人在一场危机中维护自己的权利，反对乌约韦的米拉博酋长。前进。

这位乌约韦的米拉博在过去的几年里似乎一直对邻近酋长的政策感到长期不满。他以前是阿拉伯人的传教士，现在却掌握了王权，带着那些不合情理的流氓惯有的伎俩，他们不在乎自己以什么方式掌权。当乌约维酋长去世后，在维扬库鲁森林出没的强盗团伙头目米兰博突然进入了乌约维，并以武力自立为至高无上的领主。他所做出的一些事业功绩，使所有承认他权威的人都致富，从而牢牢地确立了他的地位。这只是一个开始；他将战争从乌加拉带到乌科农戈，从乌萨戈齐带到乌文扎边境，在消灭了三个纬度的人口之后，他对姆卡西瓦和阿拉伯人怀有怨恨，因为他们不会支持他雄心勃勃的反对阿拉伯人的计划。他们的盟友和朋友，与他们和平相处。

这个大胆的人对阿拉伯人犯下的第一个暴行是拦住了一支前往乌吉吉的商队，并要求提供五桶火药、五支枪和五包布。这一非凡的要求，经过一天多的激烈争论后，得到了满足。但是，如果说阿拉伯人对他们提出的过高勒索要求感到惊讶的话，那么当他们被告知按原路返回时，他们会比以往任何时候都更加惊讶。阿拉伯商队除了越过他的尸体外，不得经过他的国家前往乌吉吉。

当不幸的阿拉伯人返回乌尼亚延贝时，他们向阿拉伯殖民地总督谢赫·赛义德·本·萨利姆报告了事实。这位老人厌恶战争，当然想方设法让米兰博像以前一样对礼物感到满意。但米兰博这次很顽固，坚决决定发动战争，除非阿拉伯人在他即将对乌尼亚延贝的旺亚姆韦齐苏丹老姆卡西瓦发动的战争中帮助他。

“这就是事情的现状，”哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉说。 “米兰博说，多年来他一直与邻近的瓦森西人作战，并取得了胜利；他说今年对他来说是美好的一年；他将与阿拉伯人和乌尼亚延贝的万亚姆韦齐作战，并且他不会停止，直到所有阿拉伯人都被赶出乌尼亚延贝，他将取代姆卡西瓦统治这个国家。阿曼的孩子们，难道是这样吗？赛义夫之子萨利姆，说吧，我们是去见见这位异教徒还是返回我们的岛屿？”

哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉讲话后，响起了一片赞同声，在场的大多数人都是渴望惩罚大胆的米兰博的年轻人。赛义夫的儿子萨利姆是一位年长的族长，言语迟钝，他试图安抚这些年轻人、马斯喀特和马特拉贵族后裔以及沙漠的贝达文人的激情，但哈米斯的大胆言论却给他们留下了太深刻的印象。在他们的脑海里。

苏德是一位英俊的阿拉伯人，我已经注意到他是马吉德之子赛义德的儿子，他说道：“我父亲常常告诉我，他记得阿拉伯人可以从巴加莫约到乌吉吉，从基尔瓦穿越整个国家的日子。到隆达，从乌森加到乌干达，都手持拐杖。那些日子已经过去了。我们忍受瓦戈戈人的无礼已经够久了。臼井的斯瓦鲁鲁只是从我们这里拿走他想要的任何东西；现在，米兰博在从一个人那里收了五包以上的布作为贡品后说，除了他的尸体外，任何阿拉伯商队都不得前往乌吉吉。我们准备好因为这个人而放弃乌吉吉、乌隆迪、卡拉格瓦、乌干达的象牙了吗？我说战争——战争直到我们把他的胡子踩在脚下——战争直到整个Uyoweh和Wiyankuru被摧毁——战争直到我们能够再次仅用手杖穿越这个国家的任何地方！”

森德演讲后的普遍同意毫无疑问地证明我们即将爆发一场战争。我想到了利文斯顿。如果他直接前往乌尼亚延贝，进入战国怎么办？

从阿拉伯人那里得知，他们打算尽快结束战争——最多十五天内，因为乌约韦距离只有四步之遥——我自愿陪同他们，带着我满载货物的商队一直到姆富托，然后把它留在那里率领几名卫兵，其余人则与阿拉伯军队一起前进。我的希望是，在米拉博和他的森林强盗——鲁加鲁加——被击败后，我的远征队有可能通过现已关闭的道路直接前往乌吉吉。阿拉伯人对胜利充满信心，我也感受到了他们的热情。

战争委员会解散了。一大盘米饭和咖喱，其中充分混合了杏仁、柚子、葡萄干和醋栗，被端上来，令人惊奇的是，在我们的注意力被这道皇家菜肴吸引后，我们很快就忘记了我们的好战热情。当然，我不是伊斯兰教徒，我也有自己的一道菜，成分相似，配上烤鸡、烤肉串、油条、蛋糕、牛杂碎、水果、一杯果子露和柠檬水、几盘口香糖——滴和麝香甜食、干葡萄干、李子和坚果。当然，哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉向我证明，如果他有一颗好战的灵魂，他也能在他父亲位于桑给巴尔岛的庄园的芒果树荫下培养有教养的品味。

狼吞虎咽地吃完这些不寻常的美食后，一些阿拉伯酋长护送我到塔波拉的其他地区。当我们去拜访穆苏德·本·阿卜杜拉时，他向我展示了伯顿和斯皮克的房子所在的地方——现在被推倒了，取而代之的是他的办公室——斯尼·本·阿米尔的房子也被推倒了，Unyanyembe的时尚风格现在很流行建在它上面的——精雕细刻的椽子——巨大的雕花门、黄铜门环和高大通风的房间——一座为防御和舒适而建的房子。

乌尼亚延贝最好的房子属于阿姆兰·本·穆苏德 (Amram bin Mussoud)，他花费了 3,000 弗西拉象牙（超过 XNUMX 美元）买下了它。非常漂亮的房子可以用二十到三十弗拉西拉象牙购买。阿姆拉姆的房子被称为“两海”——“巴赫林”。它长一百英尺，高二十英尺，墙壁四英尺厚，整齐地抹上泥浆。这扇大门是 Unyanyembe 工匠的雕刻杰作。里面的每一根椽子也都雕刻着精美的图案。房子前面是一片年轻的石榴树种植园，石榴树在这里茂盛生长，就好像它们是这片土地上的原生植物一样。阴影，如尼罗河上可见的阴影，用于汲水灌溉花园。

傍晚时分，我们步行回到奎哈拉 (Kwihara) 的绝佳位置，对在塔波拉 (Tabora) 所看到的一切感到非常满意。我的手下赶着几头牛，带了三袋本地大米——一种最优质的大米——这是卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉当天招待的礼物。

在乌尼亚延贝，我找到了利文斯通商队，由于英国领事即将到来的谣言，他们从巴加莫约惊恐地出发了。由于战争即将来临，所有的商队现在都停在乌尼亚延贝，我向赛义德·本·萨利姆建议，利文斯通商队的人最好和我一起住在我的坦贝，这样我就可以照看白人的商品。赛义德·本·萨利姆同意了我的看法，人员和货物立即被带到了我的坦贝。

有一天，阿斯马尼（现在是利文斯通商队的首领，另一个人在两三天前死于天花）有一天，他把一个帐篷带到我正坐着写字的阳台上，并给我看了一包信，上面写着：令我惊讶的是，上面标有：

“致利文斯通博士，

“宇吉吉，

“1 年 1870 月 XNUMX 日。

“挂号信。”

从1年1870月10日到1871年XNUMX月XNUMX日，仅仅一百天，在巴加莫约！一支由三十三人组成的可怜的小商队在巴加莫约停留了一百天，距离桑给巴尔只有二十五英里的水路！可怜的利文斯通！谁知道呢，但他也许正因为缺乏这些在海边滞留了这么久的物资而痛苦。车队于五月中旬左右抵达乌尼亚延贝。大约五月下旬，发生了第一次骚乱。如果这支商队是三月中旬，甚至是四月中旬到达这里，说不定他们就能毫无困难地前往乌吉吉了。

7 月 2 日下午 XNUMX 点左右，我像往常一样坐在 burzani 上；我感到无精打采、无精打采，昏昏欲睡。我没有睡着，但我的四肢似乎失去了力量。然而大脑却很忙碌；我的一生似乎在我眼前回顾；当这些回顾的场景变得严肃时，我显得严肃；当他们悲伤时，我歇斯底里地哭泣；当他们高兴的时候，我就放声大笑。一个年轻生命的战斗和艰苦奋斗的回忆接连涌入脑海：童年、青年和成年的事件；危险、旅行、风景、欢乐、悲伤；又爱又恨；友谊和冷漠。我的思绪跟随我生命中各种快速的转变；它画出了我的足迹所走过的漫长、飘忽不定、蜿蜒的行进路线。如果我把它们画在沙地上，它们对我周围的人来说是多么神秘的问题，对我来说它们是多么简单、可读、智慧的历史！

对我来说，最可爱的特征是一个高贵而真正的男人的外表，他称我为儿子。我在阿肯色州和密苏里州的大松树林中的生活给我留下了最生动的印象。我在沃希托河岸叹息的松树下度过了梦幻般的日子；新的空地、碉堡、我们忠实的黑人仆人、森林鹿以及我过着的丰富多彩的生活，都被人们铭记在心。我还记得有一天，我们搬到密西西比河附近居住后，我和密西西比河的船夫们一起漂流了数百英里，漂流而下，漂流了数百英里，还有一位亲爱的老人如何欢迎我回来，仿佛来自坟墓。我还记得我徒步穿越阳光明媚的西班牙和法国，在小亚细亚和库尔德游牧民族中进行了无数次冒险。我记得美国的战场和战争猖獗的风雨场景。我记得金矿、广阔的草原、印第安议会，以及在新西部土地上的许多经历。我记得当我从一个野蛮的国家回来后，我所听到的震惊，灾难降临到了我称之为父亲的慈爱的男人身上，以及随之而来的火热断断续续的生活。停止！ **********

亲爱的我;今天是 21 月 21 日吗？是的，Shaw 告诉我，那是 14 月 21 日，我从严重的发烧中恢复过来后；真实的日期是 22 月 28 日，但直到我遇到了利文斯通医生，我才意识到自己已经跳了一周。我们两个一起检查了我带来的航海年鉴。我们发现医生比他的预计日期晚了三个星期，令我大吃一惊的是，我也晚了一周，或者说比实际日期提前了一周。我犯了这个错误，因为我被告知我病了两周，而我恢复知觉的那天是星期五，肖和人们在道义上确信我已经卧床两周了，所以我在日记上注明了日期XNUMX 月 XNUMX 日。然而，在我第一次生病后的第十天，我又恢复了良好的状态，只是为了去看望和照顾肖，而肖又生病了。 XNUMX 月 XNUMX 日，肖康复了，然后塞利姆倒地不起，在谵妄中呻吟了四天，但到了 XNUMX 日，我们都康复了，并开始对以行军形式转移的前景感到高兴。米兰博的据点。

29 日早上，我派了 2 个人为宇吉吉装载大包、珠子和铁丝。当他们被召集到坦贝外游行时，唯一缺席的人是孟买​​。当人们被派去寻找他时，其他人离开去再看一眼，并与他们的黑色黛利拉再拥抱一次。孟买被发现于下午 8 点左右，他的脸忠实地描绘了他正在劳作的激烈竞争的激情——为离开乌尼延贝的肉罐而悲伤——为离开塔波拉的杜尔西内亚而后悔——现在失去了所有的快乐，一无所有但是行军——艰难、漫长的行军——去打仗——也许是被杀，哦！受到这种感觉的启发，难怪孟买在我命令他去他的地方时会变得好斗，而且我因为从早上八点一直等到下午两点而脾气暴躁得令人震惊。只是一句话和一个野蛮的眼神，我的手杖就在孟买的肩膀上飞舞，仿佛他要被消灭了。我想，我的猛烈攻击比其他任何事情都更能打破他的顽固。因为在我打他十几次之前，他一直在哭着请求“原谅”。听到这句话，我不再责骂他，因为这是他第一次说出这个词。孟买最终被征服。

“行进！”向导领头出发，后面跟着他的四十九名同伴，每个人都带着沉重的非洲钱币，除了他的枪、斧头、弹药和乌加利罐之外，还庄严地跟随在后面。就这样，我们安静有序地前进，旗帜飘扬，士兵们的红毯长袍在他们身后飘扬，狂怒的东北风从我们的侧翼吹过，场面十分壮观。

这些人似乎觉得自己值得一看，因为我注意到，当他们感到皇家 Joho 布料被风吹到身后时，他们感到自己的皇家 Joho 布料拉扯着他们的脖子，其中几个人采取了更加军事化的步伐。马甘加（Maganga），一个身材高大的姆尼亚姆韦齐（Mnyamwezi），像一个非常歌利亚一样昂首阔步，即将独自向米兰博和他的数千名战士作战。弗里斯基·卡米西在他的负重下继续踱步，模仿狮子，还有那个粗鲁的小丑——无可救药的乌里门戈——像猫一样鬼鬼祟祟地走着。但他们的沉默并没有持续多久。他们的虚荣心得到了极大的满足，红色的斗篷在他们的眼前不停地舞动，如果他们能再保持如此严肃或不满的半个小时，那真是奇迹了。

Ulimengo 是第一个打破它的人。他把自己定位为
kirangozi 或向导，是旗手，带有美国国旗
旗帜，人们认为这肯定会给人们带来恐惧
敌人的心。先自信，再勇敢，最后
他大喜过望，突然对着自己所率领的军队，大声喊道：

“喂！嘿！
合唱团——嘿！嘿！

嘿！嘿！
合唱团——嘿！嘿！

嘿！嘿！
合唱团——嘿！嘿！

你们要去哪里？
合唱团——开战。

对付谁？
合唱团——反对米兰博。

谁是你的主人？
合唱团——白人。

哎哟！哎哟！
合唱——哎呀！哎哟！

哈！哈！
合唱团——哈。哈！”

这是他们整天不停地唱的可笑歌曲。

第一天我们在邦博马的村庄露营，该村庄位于津比利天然山丘堡垒西南一英里处。孟买已经从他的殴打中恢复过来，并消除了引起我愤怒的闷闷不乐的想法，这些人表现得很好，一罐五加仑的庞贝酒被拿来进一步滋养勇气，他们都认为这是他们拥有。

第二天我们到达Masangi。不久之后，赛义德·本·马吉德的儿子苏德来拜访我，他告诉我阿拉伯人正在等我。在我到达之前他们不会从姆富托出发。

经过六个小时的行军，第三天从乌尼亚延贝到达东姆富托。肖屈服了，躺在路上，宣布自己快要死了。下午 4 点左右，最后一名掉队者告诉我这个消息。我必须派人把他抬到我这里，进入我的营地，尽管长途跋涉后每个人都疲惫不堪。一项奖励促使六人在黄昏时分冒险进入森林寻找肖，因为他距离营地至少有三个小时的路程。

凌晨两点左右，我的人回来了，全程背着肖。我被叫醒了，并把他送到了我的帐篷里。我给他做了检查，确信他没有发烧。在回答我关于他感觉如何的询问时，他说他既不能走路也不能骑车，他感到极度虚弱和疲倦，无法再走得更远。用一碗西米粥给他喝了一杯波特酒后，我们都睡着了。

第二天一早，我们到达了姆富托，阿拉伯军队的集合地。第二天，我们下令停下来，吃我们随意宰杀的牛肉来强身健体。

我军人员情况如下：

谢赫·赛义德·本·萨利姆……25 混种姓

“哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉……” 250名奴隶

“塔尼·本·阿卜杜拉……” 80”

“穆苏德·本·阿卜杜拉…… 75”

“阿卜杜拉·本·穆苏德…… 80”

“阿里·本·赛义德·本·纳西卜……250”

“纳西尔·本·穆苏德……50”

“哈米德·基米米……70”

“哈姆达姆……30”

“赛义德·本·哈比卜……50”

“萨利姆·本·赛义夫……100”

“松古鲁……25”

“萨博科……25”

“苏德·本·赛义德·本·马吉德……50”

“穆罕默德·本·穆苏德…… 30”

“赛义德·本·哈迈德……90”

“先驱”远征队……50名士兵

“Mkasiwa 的 Wanyamwezi…800”

” 混血种姓和旺瓦纳.. 125 ”

” 独立酋长和他们的
追随者……。 300”

根据塔尼·本·阿卜杜拉 (Thani bin Abdullah) 给我的数字，以及谢赫·本·纳西布 (Sheikh bin Nasib) 支付的俾路支人的证实，这些数字总共为 2,255 人。这些人中有1,500人携带枪支——燧发枪、德国和法国的双管步枪、一些英国的恩菲尔德步枪和美国的斯普林菲尔德步枪——除了这些步枪外，他们大多还配备了长矛和长刀，目的是斩首和造成伤害。尸体上有报复性的伤口。火药和弹丸都很充足：有些人每人得到一百发子弹，我的人每人得到六十发子弹。

当我们列队走出姆富托要塞时，挥舞着代表各个指挥官的旗帜，喇叭隆隆，五十只大鼓（称为戈马斯）轰鸣——毛拉们向我们倾盆祝福，占卜师、占星家做出最幸福的预言。以及《古兰经》的占卜师们——谁能预见到，这支强大的军队在一周之内就将冲进姆富托的同一个要塞，每个人都因恐惧而提心吊胆？

我们离开姆富托与米兰博作战的日期是 3 月 XNUMX 日。我所有的货物都存放在姆富托，准备好向乌吉吉进军，如果我们战胜非洲酋长的话，但至少为了安全，无论发生什么。

早在我们到达乌曼达之前，我就在吊床上经历了间歇性发烧的剧烈发作，直到那天深夜才离开我。

在距离姆富托六小时路程的乌曼达，我们的战士们用智者为他们制造的药物涂抹在自己身上——一种马塔马面粉与一种药草汁液的混合物，这种药草的功效只有万亚姆韦齐的瓦甘加人知道。

6 月 4 日早上 XNUMX 点，我们再次准备上路，但在我们走出村庄之前，Wanyamwezi 的演说家发表了“manneno”或演讲：

“字！字！字！听着，姆卡西瓦的儿子们，乌尼亚姆韦齐的孩子们！旅程就在你面前，森林的盗贼正在等待；是的，他们是小偷，他们砍伐你的商队，他们偷走你的象牙，他们谋杀你的女人。看哪，阿拉伯人与你同在，阿拉伯苏丹的瓦利和白人与你同在。走吧，姆卡西瓦的儿子和你在一起；斗争;杀戮，夺取奴隶，夺取布料，夺取牲畜，杀戮，吃饱！去！”

伴随着这句大胆的长篇大论，一阵狂野的叫喊声响起，村门被打开，蓝袍、红袍、白袍的士兵像许多体操运动员一样向上跳跃；他们不停地开枪，用噪音来鼓舞自己，或者让那些在苏丹科隆戈的住所津比佐的坚固围墙内等待我们的人感到恐惧。

由于津比索距离乌曼达只有五个小时的路程，上午 11 点我们就看到了它。我们在它周围的耕地和森林阴影下的邻居的边缘停了下来。几位首领都向各自的指挥部下达了严格的命令，在他们进入博马的射击距离之前，不得开火。

卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉 (Khamis bin Abdullah) 悄悄穿过村庄西边的森林。万亚姆韦齐人在主城门前占据阵地，右边是赛义德之子苏德，左边是哈比卜之子苏德的部队，阿卜杜拉、穆苏德、我和其他人准备进攻东城门。这种安排有效地将它们封闭起来，但北侧除外。

突然，当我们沿着 Unyanyembe 路从森林中出来时，一场齐射向我们袭来，朝着他们预计会看到敌人的方向，攻击部队立即开始以最精彩的方式射击。有一些可笑的场景，人们假装开枪，然后跳到一侧，然后向前，然后向后，像青蛙跳一样敏捷，但战斗仍然是认真的。我手下的后装炮吞掉我的金属弹药筒的速度比我希望看到的要快得多；但令人高兴的是，枪声暂时平静下来，我们从西、南、北冲进村庄，穿过大门，越过村庄周围的高高的栅栏，就像许多快乐的安德鲁斯一样。可怜的村民们从围场飞向山区，穿过北门，被我们部队中最快的跑者追赶，后背装弹机和霰弹枪的子弹打在他们的背上。

村庄戒备森严，里面发现的尸体不超过二十具，坚固厚实的木栅栏为我们的子弹提供了极好的防护。

在保留了足够的兵力后，我们从津比佐出发，在一小时内清除了附近的敌人，占领了另外两个村庄，我们在烧毁了所有贵重物品后将其付之一炬。几根象牙、大约五十名奴隶，再加上大量的谷物，构成了阿拉伯人的“战利品”。

5 日，一支由七百人的阿拉伯人和奴隶组成的小分队搜查了周边地区，并向维扬库鲁的博马进行了火力破坏。

6 日，苏德·本·赛义德和大约 XNUMX 名其他年轻的阿拉伯人率领一支 XNUMX 人的军队攻击维扬库鲁，据推测米兰博居住在那里。另一队人向津比佐以北不远的低矮树木丛生的山丘走去，在那个地方附近，他们惊讶了一个熟睡的年轻森林盗贼，他们向后伸展他的头，然后把他砍下来，好像他是一只山羊或一只绵羊一样。另一队向南出击，击败了米兰博的一支“丛林砍伐者”队伍，中午时我们就听到了消息。

早上，我去了赛义德·本·萨利姆的坦贝，向他表示有必要烧掉津比佐森林里的长草，以免隐藏任何敌人；但不久之后，我又犯了间歇性发烧，不得不翻身盖上毯子出汗。但直到我命令肖和孟买不允许我的任何人离开营地。但塞利姆不久后告诉我，一半以上的人已经与苏德·本·赛义德一起前往攻击维扬库鲁。

下午 6 点左右，伴随苏德·本·赛义德的所有阿拉伯人都被杀害的消息震惊了整个津比佐营地；而且他的队伍中有超过一半的人被杀了。我的一些人回来了，从他们那里我得知格兰特的前贴身男仆乌勒迪、马布鲁基·哈塔拉布（杀害他父亲的凶手）、马布鲁基（小）、乌塞古哈的巴鲁蒂和费拉汉都被杀了。我还了解到，他们在很短的时间内就成功地占领了维扬库鲁，米拉博和他的儿子就在那里，当他们成功进入时，米拉博已经集结了他的部下，离开村庄后，在村子里埋伏起来。威扬库鲁和津比索之间道路两旁的草地上，当攻击方满载着一百多颗象牙、六十包布料和两三百名奴隶回家时，米兰博的士兵突然站起来站在他们的两侧，用长矛刺伤他们。勇敢的苏德用双管枪开枪射杀了两个人，正当他再次装弹时，一支长矛射出，长矛贯穿了他：所有其他阿拉伯人都有同样的命运。他们认为自己已经被征服的敌人突然发动袭击，这让队伍士气低落，每个人都抛下了战利品，纷纷逃跑，绕了一大圈穿过树林，回到津比佐，重复了这个悲惨的故事。

这次失败的影响是难以形容的。丈夫倒下的女人的尖叫声让我无法入睡。他们整夜都在嚎叫，有时还能听到伤员的呻吟声，他们在敌人不知情的情况下爬过草地。整个晚上，逃亡者不断涌入，但据报道死亡的我的部下却再也没有人听说过。

7 号是充满不信任、悲伤和退缩的一天。阿拉伯人互相指责对方在没有首先使用一切和平手段的情况下煽动战争。召开了激烈的战争会议，其中一些人提议立即返回乌尼亚延贝，并待在自己的房子里。哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉像一位受侮辱的君主一样，对同胞们的卑鄙怯懦发出了咆哮。这些激烈的会议和撤退的提议很快就传遍了整个营地，并且比其他任何事情都更有助于彻底瓦尼亚姆韦齐和奴隶的联合部队的士气。我派孟买去见赛义德·本·萨利姆，建议他不要考虑撤退，因为这只会邀请米拉博将战争带到乌尼亚延贝。

带着这条信息发往孟买后，我睡着了，但大约下午 1.30 左右，我被塞利姆叫醒，他说：“主人，起来，他们都在逃跑，卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉自己也要走了。”

在塞利姆的帮助下，我穿好衣服，摇摇晃晃地走向门口。我的第一个景象是萨尼·本·阿卜杜拉被拖走，当他看到我时，他喊道：“巴纳——快——米兰博来了。”然后他转身就跑，穿上外套，眼珠子都快要瞪出来了。卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉也即将离开，他是最后一个离开的阿拉伯人。我的两个手下跟着他。这些塞利姆奉命用左轮手枪逼退。肖正用我自己的鞍子给他的驴子备上鞍子，准备让我溜走，把我留在困境中，任由米兰博的温柔怜悯。只有孟买、马布鲁基·斯皮克、正在冷静地吃晚饭的昌达、马布鲁克·乌尼亚延贝、姆塔马尼、朱马和萨米安——五十人中只有七个。除了乌勒迪（曼瓦·塞拉饰）和扎伊迪（塞利姆用一把装满子弹的左轮手枪将他们带回来）之外，其他人都已经逃走了，而且都已经跑到很远的地方了。然后塞利姆被告知给我的驴备鞍，孟买则协助肖给他自己的驴备鞍。不一会儿，我们就上路了，人们不断回头寻找即将到来的敌人。他们为了某种目的而殴打驴子，因为它们小跑得很猛，这让我感到剧烈的疼痛。我很乐意躺下等死，但生活是甜蜜的，我还没有放弃一切希望，能够保住它，直到完全、最终完成我的使命。在漫长而孤独的夜晚，我的心思在积极地计划和谋划，我们利用这些时间到达姆富托，我发现阿拉伯人已经撤退到那里。夜里，肖从驴上摔了下来，尽管他苦苦哀求，但他不愿起来。因为我自己没有绝望，所以我也不想让Shaw绝望。他被放在他的动物身上，并在他的两侧安排了一个人来帮助他。我们就这样穿过了黑暗。午夜时分，我们安全抵达姆富托，并立即被允许进入村庄，我们曾如此勇敢地从那里出发，但现在又如此不光彩地回到了那里。

我发现我所有的人都在天黑之前到达了这里。乌利门戈是一位勇敢的向导，他对自己的武器和我们的人数感到欣喜若狂，对胜利充满信心，他用六小时完成了十一个小时的行军。强壮的乔佩雷（Chowpereh），我认为他是我的人民中最忠诚的人，他只比乌利门戈晚了半个小时到达。活泼的卡米西，花花公子——演说家——猖獗的煽动者——是的——他排在第三位；事实证明，斯皮克的“信徒”和他们中任何一个可怜的“黑鬼”一样胆怯。只有塞利姆是忠诚的。

我问塞利姆：“你为什么不也逃跑，让你的主人等死呢？”

“哦，先生，”阿拉伯男孩天真地说，“我担心你会鞭打我。”

阿拉伯权贵们从来没有想到我有理由抱怨他们，或者我有权利对他们的行为感到愤愤不平，因为我的一个盟友出于对友谊的责任而拿起武器，因为他们的卑鄙行为而感到愤愤不平。他们的缘故。静修后的第二天早上，他们互相道了“萨拉姆”，就好像没有发生任何事情来破坏我们之间存在的良好感觉一样。

然而，他们刚坐下，我就开始告诉他们，由于战争只发生在他们和米兰博之间，而且我担心，如果他们习惯于每次小检查后就逃跑，那么战争可能会持续很长一段时间。比我能承受的时间还要长；既然他们把伤员遗弃在战场上，让生病的朋友照顾自己，他们就不能再把我当作盟友了。 “我很满意，”我说，“看到你的战斗方式，战争不会像你想象的那么短的时间结束。听说你花了五年的时间才征服并杀死曼瓦塞拉，你肯定不可能在不到一年的时间内征服米兰博。*我是一个白人，习惯了不同风格的战争，我对战斗有所了解，但是我从来没有见过有人像你一样因为如此微不足道的原因逃离像我们在津比佐这样的营地。通过逃跑，你邀请了米兰博跟随你去乌尼亚延贝；你可以确信他会来。” __________________ * 1874 年 XNUMX 月，同样的战争仍在肆虐。__________________

阿拉伯人纷纷抗议，说他们本来不想离开我，但姆卡西瓦的万亚姆韦齐却大喊“穆松古”不见了，这种呼喊在他们的人民中引起了无法平息的恐慌。

当天晚些时候，阿拉伯人继续撤退至塔波拉。距姆富托二十二英里。我决定更加悠闲地前行，从津比索起飞的第二天，探险队就带着所有补给品和行李返回马桑吉，第三天又回到了奎哈拉。

以下摘录自我的日记，比其他任何内容都更能展示我在这次可耻的撤退之后的感受和想法：

奎哈拉。 11 年 1871 月 XNUMX 日，星期五。——今天从邦博马村津比利抵达。我很失望，几乎心灰意冷。但我有一个安慰，我已经履行了对阿拉伯人的责任，我认为这是我应尽的责任，因为他们接待了我，但现在，责任已经履行，我可以自由地追求我自己的道路。出于某种原因，我很高兴以如此微小的牺牲来履行职责。当然，如果我在这件事上丢了性命，我应该受到公正的惩罚。但是，除了我对阿拉伯人接待我的考虑的责任之外，还有必要尝试各种方法到达利文斯顿。这条因与米兰博的战争而关闭的道路，距离此地只有一个月的路程，如果有我的帮助就能打开这条路，比没有我的帮助更快，我为什么要拒​​绝我的帮助呢？乌吉吉已经第二次尝试，但均以失败告终。我要尝试另一条路；试图从北方走是愚蠢的。米兰博的母亲和人民，还有瓦苏人，夹在我和乌吉吉之间，不包括瓦图塔人，他们是他的盟友，也是强盗。南线似乎是最可行的一条。很少有人了解南方国家。那些我就此问题询问过的人都说“缺水”和强盗瓦扎维拉是严重的障碍；他们还说，定居点很少，而且距离很远。

但在我冒险尝试这条新路线之前，我必须雇用一组新人，因为我带去姆富托的那些人认为他们的交战已经结束，而他们中的五人被杀的事实相当削弱了他们的热情旅行。希望万亚姆韦齐能够参与进来是没有用的，因为在战时用商队作为运输工具是违反他们的习惯的。我的立场是最严肃的。我有一个很好的理由回到海岸，但我的良心不允许我这么做，因为我花了那么多钱，也对我寄予了如此多的信任。事实上，我觉得我必须死得更早才能回来。

12 月 XNUMX 日，星期六。——正如我所料，我的人已经走了；他们说我邀请他们沿着米兰博路去乌吉吉。我只剩下十三个人了。

就这么几个人，我能去哪里呢？我的储藏室里有一百多件货物。利文斯顿的商队也在这里；他的货物包括十七包布、十二个盒子和六袋珠子。他的手下正在享受这个国家所能提供的最好的东西。

如果利文斯通在乌吉吉，那么他现在就被关起来了，只有很小的逃生途径。我可能认为自己也被关在乌尼亚缅贝，我想在与米兰博的这场战争解决之前我不能去乌吉吉。利文斯通拿不到他的货物，因为它们和我的一起在这里。他无法返回桑给巴尔，通往尼罗河的道路也被封锁。如果他有人员和物资，他可能会向北行驶到达贝克，穿过乌隆迪，然后经过卢安达、卡拉格瓦、乌干达、乌尼约罗和乌巴里到达贡多科罗。他无法获得 Pagazis，因为可能获得供应的来源已经关闭。如果认为利文斯通比任何其他有能力的精力充沛的人更能在没有某种护卫和持久供应的适销布料和珠子的情况下穿越非洲，那是一种错误的假设。

今天，一个人告诉我，当利文斯通从尼亚萨湖前往坦噶尼喀河时（人们认为他被谋杀了），他遇到了赛义德·本·奥马​​尔的商队，该商队开往乌兰巴。他与穆罕默德·本·加里卜一起旅行。这位来自尤朗加的阿拉伯人在奇昆比（Chi-cumbi）或夸奇昆比（Kwa-chi-kumbi）的国家遇见了利文斯通（Livingstone），据我所知，后来与他一起前往曼约马（Manyema）或曼耶马（Manyema）。 Manyuema距尼亚萨北部四十个军。利文斯通正在走路；他穿着美国床单。当他乘船穿越利姆巴湖时，他所有的衣服都丢失了。他随身带着三艘独木舟；他把布放在一个房间里，另一个房间里装满了箱子和一些手下，第三个房间里他带着两个仆人和两个渔夫去了。带着他的布的船被打翻了。离开尼亚萨后，利文斯通前往乌比萨，然后前往乌姆巴，再前往乌隆古。利文斯通戴着一顶帽子。他随身携带一把后膛装弹的双管步枪，可以发射威力巨大的子弹。他还配备了两把左轮手枪。利文斯顿的瓦希尤夫告诉这个人，他们的主人起初有很多人跟随他，但有几个人抛弃了他。

13 月 XNUMX 日——今天，一支商队从海岸驶来。他们报告说，我把病留在乌萨加拉姆普瓦普瓦的威廉·L·法夸尔和他的厨师都死了。有人告诉我，法夸尔在我进入乌戈戈后几天就去世了，几周后他的厨师也去世了。我的第一冲动是复仇。我相信卢科勒欺骗了我，毒死了他，或者他是被以其他方式谋杀的；但对姆萨瓦希里人的个人采访消除了这种怀疑，他给我带来了法夸尔死于可怕疾病的消息。据我所知，法夸尔早上宣称自己已经康复，可以继续前进，但在试图站起来时，却向后摔倒而死。我还被告知，瓦萨加拉人对死者抱有一些迷信观念，命令贾科把尸体运出去埋葬，而贾科无法搬运尸体，就把尸体拖到丛林里，并把它赤身裸体地留在了那里。没有丝毫泥土或其他东西的覆盖。

“我们中的一个人走了，Shaw，我的孩子！下一个会是谁？”那天晚上我对我的同伴说。

14 月 XNUMX 日——给桑给巴尔写了几封信。肖昨晚病得很重。

19 月 XNUMX 日。星期六。——我的士兵们受雇串珠子。 Shaw还躺在床上。我们听说米兰博要来乌尼扬贝。今天早上，一支阿拉伯人和他们的奴隶组成的小队开始收集令人敬畏的阿拉伯定居点总司令谢赫·赛义德·本·萨利姆留下的火药。

21 月 XNUMX 日。星期一——肖仍然病着。一百多颗珠子已经串起来了。阿拉伯人正在准备对米兰博进行另一次突袭。今天早上，赛义德·本·萨利姆阻止了米兰博向乌尼亚延贝的进攻。

22 月 10 日——今天早上我们正在串珠子，上午 XNUMX 点左右，我们听到从塔博拉方向传来持续的枪声。下班后，我们冲到面向塔波拉的前门，清楚地听到了相当多的齐射声和分散的射击声；登上天贝顶，我用眼镜看到了枪炮的硝烟。我的一些被派去查明原因的人跑回来报告说，米兰博率领两千多人袭击了塔波拉，还有一支一千多人的瓦图塔军队，他们为了掠夺而与他结盟。 ，突然袭击了塔波拉，从相反的方向攻击。

当天晚些时候，或者说中午左右，我们观察着可以看到塔波拉的低矮马鞍，看到那里挤满了来自该定居点的逃亡者，他们正赶往我们在奎哈拉的定居点寻求保护。从这些人那里我们听到了令人悲伤的消息：高贵的哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉、他的小门生哈米斯、穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜拉、易卜拉欣·本·拉希德和阿里的儿子赛义夫，阿里的儿子，谢赫的儿子，纳西卜的儿子。 。

当我询问袭击的细节以及这些阿拉伯人的死亡方式时，我得知，在第一次射击警告塔波拉居民敌人正在袭击他们之后，哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉和一些主要的阿拉伯人碰巧和他在一起的人已经登上了他的天贝屋顶，用他的望远镜朝射击的方向看去。令他大吃一惊的是，他看到塔波拉周围的平原上挤满了正在逼近的野蛮人，大约两英里外，在卡齐马附近，搭建了一个帐篷，他知道这个帐篷属于米兰博，因为塔波拉的阿拉伯人在他们和他关系很好。

卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉来到他家说：“我们去见他吧。朋友们，武装起来，跟我来。”他的朋友们强烈建议他离开他的情绪。只要每个阿拉伯人都保持自己的态度，他们就不仅仅是鲁加鲁加人和瓦图塔人的对手。但哈米斯不耐烦地说道：“你能建议我们在坦贝斯停下来，因为害怕这个姆申西（异教徒）吗？谁跟我一起去？”他的小门徒哈米斯（Khamis）是一位已故朋友的儿子，他请求被允许担任他的持枪人。穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜勒、易卜拉欣·本·拉希德和阿里的儿子赛义夫都是出身于良好家庭的年轻阿拉伯人，他们为与高贵的哈米斯生活在一起而感到自豪，也提出与他同行。在匆忙武装了八十名奴隶后，他不顾谨慎朋友的建议，出击，很快就与狡猾而顽固的敌人米兰博面对面。这位酋长看到阿拉伯人向他逼近，下令慢慢撤退。卡米斯受了骗，和他的朋友们一起追赶他们。突然，米兰博命令他的部下集体向他们进攻，一看到他们的队伍急速冲过来，卡米斯的奴隶们便失禁地跟了上去，甚至都没有屈尊向他们身后看一眼，让他们的主人听天由命。现在正在超越他。野蛮人包围了五名阿拉伯人，尽管其中有几个人在阿拉伯人的火力下倒下，但他们继续向这一小队人开枪，直到哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉腿部中弹，这使他跪倒在地，这是第一次时间长了，他才知道他的奴隶已经抛弃了他。尽管受伤了，这位勇敢的人仍然继续射击，但不久之后他的心脏就被子弹击穿了。小哈米斯看到养父倒下，惊呼道：“我的父亲哈米斯死了，我会和他一起死。”并继续战斗，直到不久之后他受了致命伤。几分钟之内，阿拉伯人就已无一幸存。

深夜，有关这一悲惨场景的更多细节传来。看到尸体的人告诉我，哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉是一位高贵、勇敢、肥胖的好人，尸体被发现时额头的皮肤、胡须和脸下半部分的皮肤，鼻子的前部，胃部和腹部的脂肪，最后，每个脚后跟的一点点，都被米兰博的野蛮盟友切掉了。在同样的情况下，他的养子和死去的朋友的尸体也被发现了。当然，瓦甘加（waganga）或巫师从尸体上取出的肉和皮是为了制作他们认为最强大的药剂，使人们能够坚强地对抗敌人。这种药水与他们的乌加利和大米混合在一起，以这种方式服用，对其功效充满信心，作为抵御各种子弹和导弹的刀枪不入的保护。

在我们兴奋的奎哈拉定居点，看到几乎整个塔波拉都在熊熊大火中，看到数百人涌入奎哈拉，这是一个非常令人遗憾的场景。

意识到我的人民愿意支持我，我在坦贝坚固的粘土墙上钻了步枪的漏洞，为防御做好了准备。它们制作得如此之快，而且似乎非常适合有效防御坦贝，以至于我的人变得非常勇敢，被赶出塔波拉的旺瓦纳难民手里拿着枪，要求进入我们的坦贝协助我们。它的辩护。利文斯通的人也被召集起来，并被邀请帮助保卫他们主人的货物，抵御米兰博的所谓攻击。到了晚上，我的院子里就有一百五十名武装人员，驻扎在每一个可能发生袭击的地点。明天米兰博威胁说他将前往奎哈拉。我希望他能来，如果他进入美国步枪的射程之内，我将看看美国的领先优势是什么。

23 月 XNUMX 日——我们在奎哈拉山谷度过了非常焦虑的一天。我们的目光始终注视着不幸的塔波拉。据说只有三个坦贝首当其冲。阿比德·本·苏利曼的房屋被毁，属于他的两百多颗象牙已成为非洲波拿巴的财产。我的坦贝处于其风格和防御手段所允许的最有效的防御状态。外面的房子周围有步枪坑，所有阻挡视线的本土小屋都被推倒了，所有可能为任何敌人提供庇护的树木和灌木都被砍掉了。足够六天的食物和水已经带来了。我的弹药足以维持两周。墙有三英尺厚，公寓内还有公寓，因此绝望的人们可以战斗，直到最后一个房间被占领。

我的邻居阿拉伯人努力让自己显得勇敢，但很明显他们已经绝望了。我听说有传言说，如果塔波拉被攻克，奎哈拉的阿拉伯人将集体向海岸进发，并将该国交给米兰博。如果他们真的是这么想的，而且真的实行的话，我可就麻烦大了。然而，如果他们真的离开我，米兰博将不会从我的商店中获得任何好处，也不会从利文斯通的商店中获得任何好处，因为我将烧毁整座房子，以及里面的所有东西。

24 月 XNUMX 日——美国国旗仍在我家上方飘扬，阿拉伯人仍在乌扬延贝。

上午 10 点左右，一名信使从塔博拉过来，问我们是否不打算协助他们对抗米兰博。我非常想出去帮助他们；但在对它的利弊进行了长时间的辩论之后，我问自己，这样做是否谨慎？我该走了吗？如果我被杀了，人们会怎样？他们不会再抛弃我吗？卡米斯·本·阿卜杜拉的命运如何？——我发话说我不会去；他们应该在对抗米兰博这样的力量时感到完全自在，如果他们能诱使他来到奎哈拉，我会很高兴，在这种情况下，我会尝试把他干掉。

他们说，米拉博和他的主要官员头上都撑着雨伞，而他自己则留着像姆尼亚姆韦齐帕奇奇一样的长发，还留着胡须。如果他来了，所有撑着雨伞的男人都会被子弹雨打，希望一颗幸运的子弹能击中他。按照流行的想法，我应该制造一颗银弹，但我身上没有银弹。我可能会做一个金色的。

大约中午，我去见谢赫·本·纳西卜，在我不在的时候，屋内留下了大约 100 名男子看守。这位老家伙在他的方式上是一位十足的哲学家。我应该称他为副哲学教授。他通常都是非常有名言的——喜欢格言，而且性格非常深思熟虑。我惊讶地发现他如此绝望。他的格言已经抛弃了他，他的哲学也无法抵御灾难。他听着我的话，更像是一个垂死的人，而不是一个拥有所有防御和进攻手段的人。

我在他的两磅炮上装满了球、葡萄和小铁弹，并建议他在米兰博的人到达他家门口之前不要开火。

下午 4 点左右，我听说米兰博已将自己驱逐到卡齐马，那里位于塔波拉西北几英里处。

26 月 XNUMX 日——今天早上，阿拉伯人出动攻击卡齐马，但由于米​​兰博请求宽限一天，吃掉他从他们那里偷来的牛肉，所以他们没有进攻。他无礼地要求他们明天早上来，他说届时他将给他们带来足够的战斗。

奎哈拉再次恢复平静，逃亡者不再因恐惧和绝望而聚集在其狭小的范围内。

27月XNUMX日——米兰博连夜撤退；当阿拉伯人大举进攻他的卡齐马村时，他们发现该村已空无一人。

如今，阿拉伯人召开战争会议——他们似乎非常喜欢召开战争会议，但行动却极其缓慢。他们正要和北方的瓦图塔人交朋友，但米兰博走在了他们的前面。他们曾谈论过第二次入侵米兰博的领地，但米兰博用火和剑入侵了乌尼亚延贝，给许多家庭带来了死亡，他还杀死了其中最高贵的人。

阿拉伯人把时间花在谈话和争论上，而乌吉吉和卡拉格瓦的道路比以往任何时候都更加封闭。事实上，许多有影响力的阿拉伯人都在谈论返回桑给巴尔。说：“Unyanyembe 被毁了。”

与此同时，由于收效甚微，我意识到不可能购买到瓦尼亚姆韦齐的传单，于是我以三倍的价格雇用了住在乌尼亚延贝的旺瓦纳叛徒与我一起前往乌吉吉。每人提供 30 点，普通的承运人到乌吉吉的租金仅为 5 到 10 点。我想要五十个人。我打算把大约六十或七十个货物留在这里，由一名警卫负责。我将留下所有个人行李，除了一件小行李箱。

28 月 XNUMX 日——今天没有米兰博的消息。肖战又变强了。

谢赫·本·纳西卜今天拜访了我，但是，除了一些小哲学之外，他没有什么可说的。

在对这个国家进行了研究之后，我决定率领一支飞行商队，沿着一条穿过乌科农戈北部和乌卡文迪的南部公路前往乌吉吉。谢赫·本·纳西布今晚已获悉这一决定。

29 月 XNUMX 日——Shaw 今天起床去做一些小工作。唉!我担心，由于这场与米兰博——这个黑人波拿巴的战争，我所有乘船越过维多利亚·恩安扎河，然后沿着尼罗河顺流而下的精心设计的计划都被彻底摧毁了。两个月的时间已经浪费在这里了。阿拉伯人花了很长时间才得出结论。忠告多如牛毛，言语多如我们山谷里的草叶。所有这一切都是想要优柔寡断。阿拉伯人的希望和留下已经破灭——哈米斯·本·阿卜杜拉已经不复存在了。 Wangwana 和 Wanyamwezi 吟游诗人所歌颂的其他战士在哪里？伟大的基塞萨——伟大的阿卜杜拉·本·纳西布在哪里？马吉德的儿子赛义德在哪里？基塞萨在桑给巴尔，马吉德的儿子赛义德在乌吉吉，但他还不知道他的儿子在维扬库鲁森林里倒下了。

肖的进步很快。我在招募士兵方面还没有成功。我几乎对能够离开这里感到绝望。这是一个如此昏昏欲睡、困倦、缓慢、梦幻的国度。阿拉伯人，旺瓦纳（Wangwana）、万亚姆韦齐（Wanyamwezi）都很相似——都不在乎时间的流逝。他们的明天有时意味着一个月内。对我来说这简直令人抓狂。

30 月 XNUMX 日——Shaw 不工作。我无法让他振作起来。我宠过他，哄过他；我什至还亲自为他做过小奢侈的饭菜。而且，当我竭尽全力为宇吉吉做准备时，肖却满足于无精打采地看着。与他在桑给巴尔时那个勇猛的人相比，发生了多么大的变化啊！

今天我坐在他身边，用手掌和针来鼓励他，今天，我第一次告诉他我使命的真正本质。我告诉他，我对这个国家地理的关心程度不及对寻找活石的关心程度！我第一次告诉他：“现在，亲爱的肖，你可能认为我被派到这里来寻找坦噶尼喀河的深度。一点也没有，伙计；有人告诉我去找利文斯通。我来这里是为了寻找利文斯顿。我要去寻找利文斯顿。难道你没有看到，老伙计，使命的重要性吗？你难道没有看到，如果你愿意帮助我，你会从贝内特先生那里得到什么奖励吗？我相信，如果你来纽约，你永远不会需要一张五十美元的钞票。所以震动你自己；跳来跳去；看起来很活泼。说你不会死；这就成功了一半。发烧时打响指。我保证发烧不会要你的命。我这里有足够一个团的药！”

他的眼眸微微一亮，但眼中的光芒很快就黯淡下来，消失了。我很沮丧。我重拳出击，让他的血管燃烧起来，这样我就能在他身上看到生命。我放了糖和鸡蛋，并用柠檬和香料调味。 “喝吧，肖，”我说，“忘掉你的虚弱。亲爱的朋友，你没有生病；你所感受到的只是无聊。看看那里的塞利姆。现在，我愿意打赌，不管他有多少，他都不会死；我会把他安全带回家给他的朋友们！我也送你回家，如果你愿意的话，就让我吧！”

1 月 XNUMX 日：据我今天拜访的塔尼·本·阿卜杜拉说，在马罗罗的坦贝，米兰博在袭击塔波拉时损失了 XNUMX 人，而阿拉伯人的损失是 XNUMX 名阿拉伯人、XNUMX 名自由民和 XNUMX 名奴隶，此外三个坦贝和一百多间小茅屋被烧毁，两百八十根象牙被俘，六十头牛和公牛被俘。

3 月 XNUMX 日——收到桑给巴尔韦伯船长寄来的一包信件和报纸。一个人的朋友，即使远在美国，也能想起远在非洲的朋友，这是一件多么好的事情啊！他们告诉我，还没有人梦想我去非洲！

我今天向谢赫·本·纳西布申请，允许利文斯通的商队在我的指挥下前往乌吉吉，但他不听。他说他确信我快要死了。

4 月 XNUMX 日——Shaw 今天状态很好，他说。塞利姆发烧了。我的力量正在逐渐增强，尽管我的一些老战士正在流失。乌姆加雷萨是个盲人；巴鲁蒂得了很严重的天花。萨达拉有间歇性。

5 月 XNUMX 日——巴鲁蒂今天早上去世。他是我最好的士兵之一；他是陪同斯皮克前往埃及的人之一。巴鲁蒂是离开桑给巴尔以来死亡的第七名。

今天，阿拉伯人关于我即将经过的国家的状况的报道让我的耳朵中毒了。 “路况不好；他们都被拦住了；鲁加鲁加人在森林里；瓦科农戈人从南方赶来帮助米兰博；瓦森西人正在交战，一个部落与另一个部落交战。”我的手下越来越沮丧，他们吸收了阿拉伯人和万尼亚姆韦齐人的恐惧。孟买开始觉得我最好回到海岸，改天再试一次。

我们把巴鲁蒂埋在榕树的树荫下，距离我的坦贝以西几码远。坟墓深四英尺半，宽三英尺。一侧底部挖出了一条狭窄的沟渠，尸体侧身滚入沟内，脸转向麦加。尸体上裹着一层半的新美国床单。当它被正确地放置在狭窄的床上后，用木棍搭建了一个倾斜的屋顶，上面覆盖着席子和旧帆布，以防止泥土掉落到尸体上。坟墓被填满了，士兵们笑得很开心。坟墓顶上种了一棵小灌木，并在一个用手挖的小洞里倒入了水，以免他在去天堂的路上感到口渴。然后，水洒遍了整个坟墓，葫芦也被打破了。仪式结束后，人们背诵了阿拉伯语法哈，之后他们离开了死去战友的坟墓，不再想念他。

7 月 XNUMX 日——今天，一位名叫穆罕默德的阿拉伯人向我展示了一个小奴隶，名叫“Ndugu M'hali”（我兄弟的财富）。因为我不喜欢这个名字，所以我把商队的首领召集到一起，请他们给他取一个更好的名字。一个人建议叫“Simba”（狮子），另一个人说他认为“Ngombe”（一头牛）适合这个男孩，另一个人认为他应该被称为“Mirambo”，引起了一阵大笑。 Bombay 认为“Bombay Mdogo”非常适合我的黑皮肤婴儿。然而，乌里门戈在看了他敏捷的眼睛并注意到他动作敏捷后，宣布卡鲁拉这个名字最适合他，“因为，”他说，“只要看看他的眼睛，那么明亮的眼神他的身材，好苗条！看他的动作，多快啊！是的，卡鲁鲁就是他的名字。” “是的，巴纳，”其他人说，“就卡露露吧。”

“Kalulu”是基萨瓦希里语，指的是蓝羚 (perpusilla) 羚羊的幼崽。

“好吧，那么，”我一边说，一边把水装进一个巨大的锡锅里，塞利姆愿意充当教父，将他抱在水面上，“从此以后他的名字就叫卡鲁鲁，不要让任何人夺走他的名字， ” 因此，穆罕默德的黑人小男孩就被称为卡鲁鲁。

远征队的人数正在增加。

天黑前我们闹得很厉害。塔博拉听到了很多枪声，这使我们预计奎哈拉会遭到袭击。然而，这实际上是为了纪念苏丹基塔姆比拜访乌尼亚延贝苏丹姆卡西瓦而鸣放的礼炮。

8 月 XNUMX 日——傍晚时分，谢赫·本·纳西卜收到一封来自姆富托的阿拉伯人的来信，报告说米兰博和他的瓦图塔盟友对该地方发动了袭击。它还警告他要求奎哈拉人民做好准备，因为如果米兰博成功袭击姆富托，他将直接向奎哈拉进军。

9 月 XNUMX 日——昨天，米兰博在进攻姆富托时惨遭失败，损失惨重。他对瓦尼亚姆韦齐 (Wanyamwezi) 的一个小村庄发动了一次成功的袭击，但当他试图袭击姆富托 (Mfuto) 时，他被击退，损失惨重，失去了三名主要人员。当他的部队从攻击中撤退后，居民们纷纷出击，跟随他来到乌曼达森林，在那里他再次被彻底击溃，他自己则不光彩地从战场上飞了出去。

在袭击中阵亡的首领的首级被带到了姆卡西瓦的博马奎库鲁。

14 月 XNUMX 日——阿拉伯男孩塞利姆因持续发烧而神志不清。肖又病了。这两个占据了我大部分的时间。我变成了一名普通护士，因为没有人协助我照顾他们。如果我试图指导阿卜杜勒·卡德尔如何做有用的人，他的头就会被 Unyamwezi 烟草的邪恶烟雾所迷惑，他会迷惑地四处游荡，打碎盘子，打乱煮熟的美味佳肴，直到我被激怒，我的平静整整一个小时，精神完全崩溃了。如果我请我现在正式任命的厨师费拉吉帮忙，他那厚实的木头脑袋无法接受，因此我不得不扮演厨师的角色。

15 月 23 日——我在 Unyanyembe 居住的第三个月即将结束，我还在这里，但我希望在 XNUMX 号之前离开。

昨晚直到今天早上九点，我的士兵们都在唱着他们死去战友的名字跳舞唱歌，他们的骨头现在在维扬库鲁的森林里漂白。两三罐粟酒并不能满足他们剧烈运动所带来的口渴。所以，今天一早，我被要求捐出一杯舒卡来换一壶烈性酒。

今天我正忙着为每个士兵和帕奇挑选负载。为了尽可能减轻他们的劳动，我将每个负载从 70 磅减少到了。到 50 磅，我希望能够进行一些长征。在过去的两三天里，我已经接触到了十个传教士。

我有两三个人病得很重，指望他们能够搬运任何东西几乎是没有用的，但我希望其他人可以在实际出发前接替他们的位置，现在似乎正在迅速逼近。

16 月 XNUMX 日。——我们几乎完成了我们的工作——从这一天开始的第五天——上帝保佑——我们将进军。除了两位导游之外，我还聘请了两位导游，分别是阿斯马尼和马布鲁基。如果说巨大的人类形态可以让任何人感到恐惧，那么阿斯玛尼的外表无疑是精心设计的，可以产生这种效果。他光着脚站起来有六英尺多，肩膀宽得足以容纳两个普通人。

明天我打算给人民举办一场告别宴会，庆祝我们离开这个令人生畏和不幸的国家。

17月120日——宴会结束。我宰了两只公牛，吃了一顿烧烤；三只绵羊、两只山羊和十五只鸡，10 磅。米、二十个用印度玉米粉制成的大面包、一百个鸡蛋、十磅。宴会的内容是黄油和五加仑甜牛奶。男人们邀请了他们的朋友和邻居，还有大约一百名妇女和儿童参加了这次活动。

宴会结束后，庞贝啤酒（即本地啤酒）被装入五加仑的罐子里，人们开始跳舞，直到我写这篇文章时，这种舞蹈仍在继续。

19月XNUMX日——今天我有点发烧，所以我们推迟了出发。塞利姆和肖均已康复。

晚上 8 点左右，Sheik bin Nasib 来找我，恳求我明天不要离开，因为我病得很厉害。 Thani Sakhburi 向我建议我可以再呆一个月。作为回答，我告诉他们白人不习惯食言。我说过我会去，我也打算去。

谢赫·本·纳西卜放弃了说服我再留一天的希望，他已经离开了，并承诺写信给赛义德·布尔加什，告诉他我是多么固执。并且我决心被杀。这是离别的镜头。

晚上10点左右，发烧退了。除了我以外，所有人都在天贝里睡着了，当我反思自己的处境和意图时，一种难以言喻的孤独感袭上心头，并感到周围的人对我完全缺乏同情心。驱散心中所有的阴暗预感需要比我更大的勇气。但也许我所说的预感只不过是这些虚伪的阿拉伯人经常重复的警告在头脑中留下的印记。我所感受到的忧郁和孤独，也许是同一个原因。唯一的蜡烛几乎无法照亮我房间角落里的黑暗阴影，但对快乐的激励却很差。我感觉自己好像被囚禁在石墙之间。但为什么我会觉得自己被这些愚蠢、迟钝的阿拉伯人以及他们的警告和呱呱叫所引诱呢？当我写下这篇文章的时候，我觉得我的脑海里萦绕着一种怀疑，这一切背后隐藏着某种动机。我想知道这些阿拉伯人是否告诉我所有这些事情是为了让我留在这里，希望我能再次被诱导去协助他们与米兰博的战争！如果他们这么认为，那他们就大错特错了，因为我已立下庄严、持久的誓言，只要我还存有一丝生还的希望，我就必须遵守这个誓言，决不违背我已下定的决心，决不放弃。继续搜寻，直到我发现利文斯通还活着，或者找到他的尸体；如果没有最有力的证据证明他还活着，或者他已经死了，永远不要回家。没有一个活着的人能够阻止我，只有死亡可以阻止我。但死亡——甚至不是这样；我不会死，我不会死，我不能死！有件事告诉我，我不知道那是什么——也许是我本性中永远不息的希望，也许是一种充沛而炽热的生命力所产生的自然的假设，或者是对自己过于自信的结果。 ——无论如何，无论如何，有件事告诉我今晚我会找到他，并且——写得更大一些——找到他！找他！就连言语也很励志。我感觉更幸福了。我有发出祈祷吗？今晚我会安稳地睡一觉。

我感到自己不得不从我的日记中抄下上述笔记，正如它们在现场所写的那样，解释了我的“Unyanyembe生活”的沧桑。对我来说，它们似乎比任何数量的描述性写作（即使是最生动的描述性写作）都更好地解释了我所过的生活的本质。它们就在那里，毫不夸张，就其字面意义而言，正如我在它们发生时所设想的那样。他们向我和人们讲述了无数的发烧，他们讲述了我们所经历的危险、小小的快乐、我们的烦恼和我们的快乐。

从乌尼亚延贝出发。——探险队重新组织——
孟买。——先生。肖尔生病回到乌尼扬贝。——一位贵族
森林。-所描述的发烧。-营地的幸福。-A
公园土地。—成群的猎物和高尚的运动。—叛变。—
对头目的惩罚。大象——抵达姆雷拉

20月XNUMX日已经到来。就在这一天，我决定摆脱那些用怀疑、恐惧和信仰折磨我的人，开始沿南线向乌吉吉进军。我因前一天的高烧而非常虚弱，在这种情况下开始行军是非常不明智的行为。但我曾向谢赫·本·纳西卜夸口说，白人从不食言，如果我因为虚弱而留在后面或推迟行军，我作为白人的声誉就会被毁。

我把整个商队召集到坦贝外，我们的旗帜和彩带展开，人们把货物放在墙上，有相当多的叫喊声、笑声和黑人的扇形舞曲。出于好奇，阿拉伯人都聚集起来为我们送行——除了谢赫·本·纳西卜，我愚蠢地反对他的愿望，冒犯了他。老谢赫躺在床上，但派他的儿子给我带来最后一点哲学感伤，我将把它当作族长谢赫的遗言来珍藏，纳西布是纳西布的儿子，阿里的儿子。赛夫。可怜的谢赫！如果你只知道这种固执的根源是什么——这种愚蠢的决心走上错误的道路——那么你会说什么，0谢赫？但酋长安慰自己，我可能比他更了解自己的处境，这很可能，只有他和任何其他阿拉伯人都不会确切地知道促使我向西进军的确切动机——当通往东方的道路变得更加容易。

我招募的勇士们在乌尼亚延贝的某个地方快速行军，他们的名字如下：

1. 约翰·威廉·肖，英国伦敦。

2.塞利姆·赫什米，阿拉伯人。

3. Seedy Mbarak Mombay，桑给巴尔。

4. Mabruki Spoke，同上。

5.乌里门戈，同上

6. 安巴里，同上。

7. 乌莱迪，同上。

8. 阿斯马尼，同上。

9. 萨米安，同上。

10.卡姆纳，同上。

11.扎伊迪，同上。

12. 卡米西，同上。

13.乔佩雷，巴加莫约。

14. 金加鲁，同上。

15.贝拉利，同上。

16. 费鲁斯，Unyanyembe。

17. 罗贾布，巴加莫约。

18. 马布鲁克·乌扬扬贝，乌扬扬贝。

19.姆塔马尼，同上。

20.钱达，马罗罗。

21.萨达拉，桑给巴尔。

22. Kombo，同上。

23.萨布里大帝，马罗罗。

24. 小萨布里，同上。

25. 马罗拉，同上。

26. Ferajji（厨师），桑给巴尔。

27. 马布鲁克萨利姆，桑给巴尔。

28.巴拉卡，同上。

29. 易卜拉欣，马罗罗。

30.马布鲁克·费鲁斯，同上。

31. 巴加莫约巴鲁蒂。

32.乌姆加雷萨，桑给巴尔。

33. Hamadi（导游），同上。

34. 阿斯马尼，同上，同上。

35. 马布鲁克，同上。

36. Hamdallah（导游），塔博拉。

37.朱玛，桑给巴尔。

38.Manga，Mkwenkwe。

39. 穆卡杜姆，塔波拉。

40. 达斯图里，同上。

41.图马约纳，乌吉吉。

42.姆帕拉莫托，乌吉吉。

43. 瓦基里，同上。

44.木府，同上。

45. Mpepo，同上。

46.卡平古，乌吉吉。

47. 马什尚加，同上。

48. Muheruka，同上。

49. 米索西，同上。

50. Tufum Byah，同上。

51. Majwara（男孩），乌干达。

52. Belali（男孩），Uemba。

53. Kalulu（男孩），隆达。

54. Abdul Kader（裁缝），马拉巴尔。

我选择这些男人和男孩作为我的同伴，执行寻找失踪的旅行者大卫·利文斯通这一看似无用的任务。我给他们装载的货物有 1,000 多提，即 4,000 码。布、六袋珠子、四车弹药、一顶帐篷、一张床和衣服、一箱药品、六分仪和书籍、两车茶、咖啡和糖、一车面粉和蜡烛、一车罐头肉、沙丁鱼和杂项必需品，还有一车炊具。

除孟买外，其他人都已就位。孟买已经走了；找不到他。我派了一个人去追捕他。人们发现他在黛利拉的怀里哭泣。

“孟买，当你知道我打算走并且在等我的时候，你为什么要走呢？”

“哦，主人，我正在向小姐告辞呢。”

“噢，确实如此？”

“是的主人;当你离开时，你不做吗？

“安静，先生。”

“哦！好的。”

“你怎么了，孟买？”

“噢，海芬。”

据我所知，他很幽默地当着那些聚集在我的坦贝外目睹我离开的阿拉伯人的面与我争吵。由于我没有心情去阻止可能出现的任何事情，结果是，我不得不痛击孟买，这一行动很快就冷却了他的热气，但在我的头上却引起了大声的抗议。来自我假装的阿拉伯朋友——“现在，主人，不要，不要——停下来，主人：这个可怜的人比你更清楚他和你在你现在走的路上可能会遇到什么。”

如果说还有什么比孟买在众人面前的无礼行为更能激怒我的话，那就是这种对我认为是我自己的特殊事务的无端干涉。但我克制住了自己，尽管我大声告诉他们，我不选择被干涉，除非他们想与我争吵。

“不，不，巴纳，”他们都喊道。 “我们不想和你争吵。以上帝的名义！安心地走你的路吧。”

“那么，再见了，”我一边说，一边和他们握手。

“再见了，主人，再见了。我们确信，我们祝愿你一切成功，愿上帝与你同在，引导你！”

“行进！”

临别礼被鸣响；向导们升起了旗帜，每个人都争先恐后地搬运自己的货物，不久之后，在歌声和呐喊声中，探险队的领头人沿着前往乌干达的道路绕过了我坦贝的西端。

“现在，肖先生，我正在等待，先生。如果你不能走路，就骑上你的驴吧。”

“拜托，斯坦利先生，恐怕我不能去。”

“为什么？”

“我不知道，但我确定。我感觉很虚弱。”

“我也很弱啊。如你所知，直到昨晚深夜我才退烧。不要在这些阿拉伯人面前退缩；记住你是一个白人。在这里，塞利姆、马布鲁基、孟买，帮肖先生骑驴，从他身边走过去。”

“哦，巴纳，禁令，”阿拉伯人说，“别带走他。你没看到他病了吗？”

“你躲开；没有什么可以阻止我带他去。他该走了。”

“继续吧，孟买。”

我队伍的最后一个人已经走了。刚刚热闹的坦贝，现在已经呈现出赤裸裸、荒凉的样子。我转向阿拉伯人，举起帽子，再次说了声“再见”，然后转向南方，后面跟着我的四个年轻的持枪人：塞利姆、卡鲁鲁、马杰瓦拉和贝拉利。

半个小时的行进后，景色变得更加热闹了。 Shaw开始觉得好笑。孟买已经忘记了我们的争吵，并向我保证，如果我能经过米兰博的国家，我应该“赶上坦​​噶尼喀河”； Mabruki Burton 也相信我们应该这样做。塞利姆很高兴离开乌尼亚延贝，他在那里饱受发烧之苦。美丽的山谷上方的山峦雄伟，有一种东西让我充满活力，鼓励我继续前行。

一个半小时后，我们到达了位于 Mkwenkwe 的 Kinyamwezi 村的营地，这里是我们著名吟唱者 Maganga 的出生地。

我的帐篷搭好了，货物存放在其中一个帐篷里；但一半的男人已经回到奎哈拉，再次拥抱他们的妻子和妾。

到了晚上，我又开始间歇性发烧。天还没亮，它就走了，让我虚弱得倒在地上。我听到人们在篝火旁谈论第二天的可能前景。他们问我是否应该继续游行。大多数人都认为，由于主人病了，所以不会进行游行。然而，一种极度的固执驱使着我继续前行，只是为了激怒他们懒惰的灵魂。但当我冲出帐篷叫他们做好准备时，我发现至少有二十人失踪了。利文斯通的信递员“Kaif-Halek”——或者“How-do-ye-do？”——并没有带着利文斯通博士的信袋到达。

我挑选了二十名最坚强、最忠诚的人，将他们派回乌尼扬贝寻找失踪的人。塞利姆被派往谢赫·本·纳西布那里借用或购买一条长长的奴隶链。

傍晚时分，我的二十名侦探带着九名失踪人员回来了。瓦吉吉人已经逃之夭夭，再也找不到他们了。塞利姆还带着一条坚固的锁链回来，锁链上的项圈能够囚禁至少十个人。卡夫-哈勒克也带着信袋出现，他要在我的陪同下将信袋转交给利文斯通。然后向这些人讲话，并向他们展示奴隶链。我告诉他们，我是第一个在旅途中带着奴隶链的白人。但是，由于他们都害怕陪伴我，我不得不利用它，因为这是让他们在一起的唯一方法。善良的人们永远不会害怕被我锁住——只有那些逃兵、小偷，他们收到了工资、礼物、枪支和弹药，然后就逃跑了。

这次我不会再给任何人戴上锁链；但无论谁在这一天之后逃跑，我都应该停下来，在找到他之前不要继续行军，之后他应该带着奴隶链向乌吉吉进军。 “你听到了吗？”——“是的，”他回答道。 “你明白吗？”——“明白。”

下午6点我们解散营地，上路前往伊涅须卡，晚上8点到达那里

第二天早上，当我们准备出发时，发现又有两个人逃走了。巴拉卡和孟买立即被派往乌尼亚延贝带回两名失踪人员——阿斯马尼和金加鲁——并被命令不得在没有他们的情况下返回。读者可能还记得，这是后者第三次开小差。当追击正在进行时，我们在伊涅苏卡村停下来，更多的是为了肖而不是其他人。

晚上，那些不可救药的逃兵被带回来，并且正如我所威胁的那样，受到严酷的鞭打和锁链，以确保他们免受进一步的诱惑。孟买和巴拉卡讲述了这次捕获的一个如画的故事。由于我的心情非常好，他们的服务每人都得到了一块精美的衣服作为奖励。

第二天早上，另一艘航母潜逃了，带走了他租来的十五件新衣服和一把枪，但在乌尼延贝附近任何地方再停留都是一种危险，只有不间断地前往南部丛林地区才能避免危险。人们会记得，我的火车上有一位令人敬畏的裁缝阿卜杜勒·卡德尔，他从巴加莫约出发，对非洲内陆地区的象牙财富抱有如此美好的期望。今天早上，阿卜杜勒·卡德尔对未来危险的报道感到畏惧，渴望出院。他发誓自己病了，无法再继续下去。由于我已经厌倦了他，所以我用布料还清了他，并允许他离开。

大约在前往卡塞格拉 (Kasegera) 的半路上，马布鲁克·萨利姆 (Mabruk Saleem) 突然生病了。我给了他一粒甘汞和几盎司白兰地。由于他无法行走，我给他提供了一头驴子。另一个名叫扎伊迪的人患有风湿热。肖从他所骑的动物身上摔下来两次，需要无数次的哄骗才能再次骑上。确实，我的探险之旅遭遇了厄运，命运似乎已经决定了我们的回归。看起来真的好像一切都会崩溃和毁灭。我想，如果距离乌尼延贝只有十五天，我就应该得救了！

我们到达的下午和晚上，卡塞格拉充满了欢乐的景象。缺席的人刚刚从海岸回来，年轻人勇敢地穿着华丽的衣服，他们的新巴拉蒂斯，他们的苏哈里斯，以及明亮的新卡尼基长布，他们在灌木丛后面装饰自己，然后突然穿着所有衣服出现。这华服。女人们像女巫一样“嗨嗨”，“Lu-lu-lu'ing”声音响亮、频繁、热情，整个下午都如此。精灵般的少女们仰视着年轻的英雄，对他们的容貌充满了强烈的钦佩。老妇人娇惯地抚摸着它们。使用工作人员、弯腰的族长祝福他们。这就是 Unyamwezi 的名声！所有幸运的年轻人都必须用舌头讲述他们在大海附近和桑给巴尔岛“安古贾”看到的所有奇观，直到第二天凌晨到来。他们如何看到伟大的白人船只和大量白人，他们在穿越凶猛的瓦戈戈土地的旅程中遇到的危险和考验，以及其他各种事实，此时我和读者都已经非常熟悉了。

24日，我们扎营，向西南方向穿过一片因比蒂森林，大约三个小时后到达基甘杜。

当我们到达这个由姆卡西瓦的女儿管理的村庄时，我们被告知除非我们支付通行费，否则我们无法进入。由于我们不愿支付通行费，我们被迫在距离基干杜左侧一英里的一处废墟、老鼠出没的博马扎营，因为在姆卡西瓦危急时刻抛弃了他，而受到了懦弱的当地人的严厉斥责。我们被指控逃避战争。

快到我们营地的门口时，肖试图下马，结果失去了马镫，脸朝下摔倒了。这个愚蠢的家伙居然在烈日下在地上躺了整整一个小时；当我冷冷地问他是否感到不舒服时，他坐了起来，像个孩子一样哭泣。

“肖先生，你想回去吗？”

“如果你能够。我不相信我能走得更远；如果你足够友善的话，我非常想回来。”

“好吧，肖先生，我得出的结论是最好，你还是回去吧。我的耐心已经耗尽了。我一直忠实地努力让你摆脱这些你如此虔诚地滋养的琐碎痛苦。你只是患有疑病症。你想象自己生病了，但显然没有什么能让你相信你没有病。记住我的话——返回Unyanyembe，就等于死！如果您在知道如何给您用药的奎哈拉（Kwihara）碰巧生病了？假设你神志不清，士兵怎么可能知道你想要什么，或者什么对你有利和必要？我再说一遍，如果你回来，你就死！”

“啊，亲爱的我；我希望我从来没有冒险来过！我认为非洲的生活与这里有很大不同。如果你允许的话，我宁愿回去。”

第二天停了下来，安排了将肖送回奎哈拉的交通。制作了一具坚固的担架，并在基甘杜雇用了四名粗壮的帕吉兹来抬他。面包烤好了，食堂里摆满了冷茶，路上还烤了一条小山羊腿充饥。

分别的前一天晚上，我们一起度过了。肖用我在桑给巴尔为他购买的手风琴演奏了一些曲子。但是，尽管这只是一件可怜的十美元的事情，但我认为那天晚上从乐器中唤起的家常曲调是神圣的旋律。退休前播放的最后一首曲子是“家，甜蜜的家”。

27号早上，我们都起了个大早：我们的动作有相当大的阻力。那天，我们面临着一场漫长的行军。但随后我要留下所有生病的人。只有那些身体健康、能走得又快又远的人才能陪我。我把马布鲁克·萨利姆交给了一位当地医生，他要为他治病，以换取我预先送给他的布料礼物。

号角吹响，准备就绪。肖在担架上被抬到了搬运工的肩膀上。我的人分成两列；旗帜升起；在这两排活生生的行之间，在那些明亮的飘带下，在他再次看到它们之前，这些飘带将漂浮在坦噶尼喀河的水面上，肖被带向北方。我们鱼贯而行，迈着更快、更有弹性的步伐向南走去，仿佛感觉有一个梦魇从我们身边被夺走了。

我们登上了一座山脊，山脊上布满了巨大的正长岩巨石，出现在一片矮树林上方。我们看到的景色与我们在其他地方经常看到的相似。一片无边无际的森林，波涛汹涌地延伸到视野之外——山脊，森林覆盖，轻轻地一个接一个地升起，直到它们在昏暗的紫蓝色远方中退去——上面漂浮着一层温暖的薄雾，虽然在我们的邻居，在远处变得深不可测的蓝色。树林，树林，树林，茂密的树枝，树叶球体，或降落伞，绿色，棕色或黑色，森林一个接一个，升起，下降，后退——一片绿叶茂密的海洋。地平线上的所有点都呈现出相同的景色，远处可能有一座山的模糊轮廓，或者到处都有一棵比其他地方更高的高大的树，在半透明的天空的映衬下，它的轮廓很明显——除了这个例外，它是一样的——同样的晴空坠入森林深处，同样的轮廓，同样的森林，同样的地平线，日复一日，周复一周；我们急忙奔向山脊之巅，期待着变化，但疲倦的目光在茫茫大地上徘徊后，又回到了周围的环境，满足于这种永恒的场景。卡莱尔在他的著作中曾说过，尽管梵蒂冈很伟大，但与大角星和猎户座永远注视的星纹穹顶相比，它不过是蛋壳碎片；我说，尽管纽约中央公园的树林与其他大城市的稀疏树林相比是宏伟的，尽管温莎和新森林在英国可能非常美丽和高贵，但它们不过是同性恋与 Unyamwezi 这些永恒的森林相比，棍棒的数量。

我们行军了三个小时，然后停下来吃点心。我发现人们非常疲倦，还没有习惯一系列的长征，或者更确切地说，在奎哈拉长时间休息后，他们还没有做好认真、艰苦的工作的准备。当我们再次继续行军时，出现了一些脾气暴躁和疲倦的表现。但一些关于他们懒惰的善意评论让他们鼓起勇气，我们又经过四个小时的冲刺，于下午 2 点到达乌贡达。

乌贡达是乌贡达地区的一个非常大的村庄，毗邻乌尼亚延贝南部边境。这个村庄可能有四百户人家，或者说两千个人。它被高大而坚固的三英寸木栅栏保护得很好。栅栏上方每隔一段距离就竖立了一些舞台，木材上有微型射击孔，供神枪手使用火枪使用，他们躲在这些盒子状的舞台内，以挑出进攻部队的首领。内沟，将沙土抛起三四尺高，抵在栅栏上，以保护跪在沟内的守军主体，可承受很大的力量。村外一两英里的范围内，所有障碍物都被清除，目光敏锐的观察者因此警告被围困的人，在敌人接近火枪射程之前做好防御准备。在两三次尝试袭击这座戒备森严的村庄但毫无效果之后，米拉博从这座戒备森严的村庄前撤出了强盗部队，从那时起，瓦贡达人就一直在庆幸自己赶走了乌尼亚姆韦齐世世代代所见过的最大胆的掠夺者。

瓦贡达人在他们的主要村庄周围有大约三千英亩的耕地，这个地区足以生产足够的粮食，不仅供他们自己消费，而且也供许多途经这里前往乌菲帕和马伦古的商队使用。

无论瓦贡达人在他们的主要村庄的坚固围墙内多么勇敢，他们都不能免于战争时期姆尼亚姆韦齐人灵魂中充满的不安全感。在这个地方，商队习惯于从成群结队的异教徒中招募人员，这些异教徒自愿陪伴他们前往遥远的南方象牙地区。但我无法诱导任何人跟随我，因为他们对米兰博和他的鲁加拉加的恐惧是如此之大。他们还充满了未来战争的谣言。据称，姆博戈正率领一千名瓦科农戈人向乌干达挺进，瓦扎维拉人在四个月前袭击了一支商队，辛巴正率领一队凶猛的雇佣兵在该国进行搜查，还有更多类似的性质和意图。 。

28 日，我们到达了森林中一个舒适的小村庄，名叫本塔 (Benta)，距离乌贡达 (Ugunda) 三个小时零一刻钟。这条路穿过瓦贡达的玉米地，然后进入基萨里村庄周围的空地，在其中一个空地里，我们发现了一辆商队的老板，他正在为乌菲帕鼓运运输车。他在这里停留了两个月，他费了很大的劲才说服我的人加入他的车队，但这一举动并没有促进我们之间的和谐。几天后，我回来时发现他已经放弃了南下的想法。离开基萨里，我们穿过一片稀疏的黑杰克丛林，经过阳光照射下龟裂的地面，到处都是干涸的水池，水池的底部被大象和犀牛踩踏过。水牛和斑马的踪迹现在很常见，我们满怀希望不久就能见到猎物。

本塔盛产印度玉米和当地人称为“choroko”的谷物，我认为它是野豌豆。我购买了大量的choroko供我个人使用，因为我发现它是一种最健康的食物。玉米储存在坦贝斯的平屋顶上，装在用姆通杜树皮制成的大盒子里。我在非洲见过的最大的盒子就是在这里看到的。它可能被认为是泰坦的帽盒；它直径七英尺，高十英尺。

29日，我们沿着西南偏南的方向行驶，到达了Kikuru。行军持续了五个小时，穿过阳光明媚的平原，生长着黑杰克、乌木和矮灌木，上面有许多浅白垩色泥土的蚁丘，像沙丘一样。

穆昆古鲁（Mukunguru）是基萨瓦西里语中发烧的意思，由于大自然提供的排水系统不完善，该地区森林茂密、平原平坦，因此经常出现“穆昆古鲁”病。在这个国家看来，旱季没有什么非常令人反感的事情。烧焦的草地给这个国家带来了相当阴暗的一面，上面覆盖着动物的坚硬足迹，这些动物在雨季后期出没在这片平原上。森林里有许多树木正处于腐烂的最后阶段，用尽全力在倒下的树干上工作，可以看到无数不同种类的昆虫。然而，死亡和腐烂植被的毒液却难以察觉地被吸入系统，其结果有时与据说来自乌帕斯树附近的毒液一样致命。

疟疾带来的第一个不良后果是肠道狭窄、精神不振、过度嗜睡和经常打哈欠。舌头呈现病态的黄色，几乎变成黑色；甚至牙齿也变黄，并涂有令人厌恶的物质。病人的眼睛闪闪发亮，充满了水。这些都是初期发烧的症状，很快就会在整个系统中肆虐。

有时，发烧之前会出现剧烈的颤抖，在此期间，可能会在病人身上盖上毯子，但他所感受到的致命的寒冷却几乎没有改善。然后是异常严重的头痛，腰部和脊柱过度疼痛，这种疼痛很快就会蔓延到肩胛骨，并向上延伸到颈部，最后在头的后部和前部找到落脚点。然而，发烧之前通常不会出现寒战，但在倦怠和麻木袭来之后，他会感到酷热、太阳穴抽痛、腰部和脊柱疼痛，很快就会出现剧烈的干渴。大脑里充满了奇怪的幻想，有时会呈现出最可怕的形状。在受难者的黑暗视野前，漂浮在沸腾的气氛中，创造和非创造的爬行动物的形象，每时每刻都变形为奇怪的形状和设计，每时每刻都变得更加混乱，更加复杂，更加丑陋和可怕。他无法再忍受这种令人分心的景象，他努力睁开眼睛，解散了那个疯狂的梦境，却又不知不觉地再次滑入另一个梦境，那里又一个不真实的地狱被立体地展现出来，并遭受新的痛苦。哦！我在真正的谵妄发作引起的可怕的梦魇下呻吟了很多很多个小时。哦！非洲旅行者必须经历的身体折磨！哦！恶魔般的可怕幻象所引发的怨恨、焦躁和烦恼！最大的耐心也无法安抚人心，最勤奋的出席也无法让人满意，最深的谦卑也无法使人不高兴。在这些可怕的转变过程中，会导致严重的分心，约伯本人会变得烦躁、愤怒和暴躁。处于这种状态的人认为自己是所有痛苦的焦点。康复后，他感到受到了惩罚，变得彬彬有礼，和蔼可笑，他从所有昨天对他来说还具有如此可怕的不祥一面的事物中召唤出虚构的快乐。他用爱和友谊对待他的下属；凡是陈腐的事物，他都会欣喜若狂。大自然显得迷人；在枯死的树林和单调的森林里，他的心充满了喜悦。我是为自己说话，因为我对这次袭击的所有严重、哀伤和愚蠢的阶段进行了仔细分析。我常常以记下呈现给我的幽默和可怕、奇异和夸张的图片来取乐——即使是在发烧引起的阵发性发作的时候。

1 月 XNUMX 日，经过四个小时的向 SSW 方向行进后，我们到达了一个名为 Ziwani 的大水池。我们发现了一个古老的半烧焦的坎比，它被乌尼亚姆韦齐森林中的巨人姆库尤（梧桐）所庇护，一个小时后，我们把它变成了一个华丽的营地。

如果我没记错的话，树干的周长是三十八英尺。这是我在非洲见过的同类树中最好的。中午休息时，一个团可以轻松地在这巨大的树叶圆顶下休息。它投在地面上的影子直径有一百二十英尺。这段时间我所享受的健康活力使我对周围的环境刮目相看。一种舒适和完美的满足感占据了我，就像我在 Unyanyembe 苦恼时所不知道的那样，在无所事事中耗尽了我的生命。我与我的人民谈论我的朋友和平等者。我们以一种非常友好、友善的方式互相讨论我们的前景。

当日光即将消逝，太阳在西方地平线上迅速落下，将天空生动地涂上金色、银色、藏红花和蛋白石的颜色，当它的光芒和绚丽的色彩反射在永恒森林的顶部时，天堂般的宁静和神圣的平静笼罩着四周，甚至将我周围那些未受过教育的人的心灵注入了这种生活的精致享受，就像我们现在正在一片广阔的森林深处过着那样的生活，这是唯一的人类居住者——这是我们一天的工作结束后，营地处于完全安全状态之后的时间，那时我们大家都会生产我们的烟斗，并且可以最好地享受我们所做的劳动和满足这是一项出色完成的工作之后的结果。

外面什么也听不到，除了迷路的花鸟或珍珠鸡失去配偶的叫声，或者附近池子里青蛙沙哑的呱呱叫声，或者蟋蟀的歌声，似乎让这一天平静下来。 ;当人们吸入蓝色乙醚时，我们的营地里可以听到葫芦管发出的咯咯声，我也很喜欢这种蓝色乙醚。我感到满足和快乐，在生机勃勃的树叶覆盖下的地毯上伸展身体，抽着我的短海泡石，沉迷于思绪——尽管天空的灰光依然美丽；以及周围弥漫的宁静气氛——家乡和遥远美国的朋友，这些想法很快就变成了我的作品——但还不完整——变成了这个对我来说仍然是一个神话的人，据我所知，他可能是死了，或者可能离我很近或很远，正在穿过这样一片森林，我看到它的顶部限制了我营地外的视野。我们都在同一块土地上，也许在同一片森林里——谁知道呢？——但他对我来说却是如此遥远，以至于他就像在自己的石莼小屋里一样。虽然我现在还不知道他的存在，但我却感到一种难以形容的自满、满足。为什么人如此软弱无力，以至于他必须跋涉数百英里才能满足他不耐烦和不受约束的心灵的怀疑？为什么我的形体不能伴随我思想的大胆飞翔，满足我对解决经常出现在我嘴边的烦恼问题的渴望——“他还活着吗？”我的灵魂啊，要有耐心，你有一种幸福的平静，其他人可能会羡慕你！此刻就足够了，只要你意识到你的使命是神圣的！继续前进，充满希望！

2 月 XNUMX 日星期一，我们穿越了从齐瓦尼 (Ziwani) 延伸到马尼亚拉 (Manyara) 的森林和平原，花了我们六个半小时。太阳非常炎热；但 mtundu 和 miombo 树间隔生长，足以让每棵树自由生长，而混合的树叶形成了令人愉悦的树荫。道路畅通无阻，夯实坚实的红土没有任何阻碍。我们遭受的唯一挑衅是来自聚集在这里的采采蝇或剑蝇的攻击。我们知道我们正在接近一个广阔的游戏栖息地，并且我们不断警惕可能栖息在这些森林中的任何标本。

当我们以每小时近三英里的速度大步前进时，我看到车队突然脱离了道路，在路上的某个东西前面大约五十码处恢复了行驶，人们的注意力都集中在那个地方。上来后，我发现这个物体是一具男人的尸体，他是非洲可怕的天花祸害的受害者。他是奥塞托的掠夺者团伙或游击队员之一，为乌尼亚延贝的姆卡西瓦服务，后者为米兰博的游击队狩猎这些森林。他们对姆博戈苏丹发动袭击，从乌科农戈返回，却让他们的战友死在路上。他显然只死了一天。

因此，我们经常在路边发现骷髅或头骨。几乎每天我们都会看到一件，有时是两件死去的、被遗忘的人类遗物。

不久之后，我们从森林中出来，进入了一片姆布加（mbuga）或平原，在那里我们看到了几只长颈鹿，它们的长脖子高耸在它们正在啃食的灌木丛上方。这一幕引起了一阵欢呼。因为我们现在知道我们已经进入了游戏国家，并且在我们打算停下来的贡贝小溪或河流附近，我们应该会看到很多这样的动物。

在这片炎热的平原上步行三个小时，我们来到了马尼亚拉的耕地。到了村门前，我们被禁止进入，因为整个国家都处于战争状态，他们必须非常小心地接纳任何一方，以免村民受到损害。然而，我们被引导到村庄右侧的一个坎比，靠近一些清澈的水池，在那里我们发现了大约六座破败的小屋，对于疲惫的人们来说，这些小屋看起来非常不舒服。

我们搭建好营地后，基兰戈兹人得到了一些布料，可以从村子里购买食物，以便在我们面前的荒野中穿行，据说这要延伸 135 条行军，即 XNUMX 英里。他被告知，姆特米人严格禁止他的人民出售任何谷物。

显然，在这种情况下，只有采取一点外交手段才能发挥作用。因为如果我们被迫派人返回基库鲁获取补给的话，我们会在这里滞留几天。我打开一包精选商品，挑选了两件皇家布料，并让孟买带着白人的恭维和友谊将它们带给他。苏丹闷闷不乐地拒绝了他们，并吩咐他回到白人身边，并告诉他不要打扰他。苦苦哀求无济于事，他也不肯松口；那些人脾气暴躁，又饿，只得不吃晚饭就上床睡觉了。我想起了尼贾拉（Njara）的话，他是一位奴隶贩子，也是伟大谢赫·本·纳西卜酋长的寄生虫。 “啊，主人，主人，你会发现这些人对你来说太过分了，你必须回去。瓦曼亚拉人很糟糕，瓦科农戈人非常糟糕，瓦扎维拉人是最糟糕的。你来这个国家的时间不太好。到处都是战争。”事实上，从篝火旁谈话的基调来看，这似乎太明显了。我的人民完全有可能全面逃亡。不过，我告诉他们不要灰心，要继续努力。我早上会为他们准备食物。

第二天早上，这捆精选布料再次被打开，这次挑选了四件皇家布料，还有两件梅里卡尼和孟买的圆点，再次被寄出，满载着赞美和礼貌的话语。

对于一个如此脾气暴躁、权力过大而无法树敌的人，必须非常有策略。如果他下定决心效仿令人敬畏的尤尤维国王米兰博，那会怎样呢？我的慷慨之举很快就产生了效果，大量的粮食运到了我的营地。不到一个小时，十几个村民就顶着装满了choroko、豆子、大米、matama 或 dourra 和印度玉米的箱子来了，不久之后，姆特米本人也来了，后面跟着大约三十名火枪手和二十名长枪兵。 ，拜访这条路上遇到的第一个白人。这些战士身后传来了一份慷慨的礼物，其价值与送给他的礼物完全相等，有几大葫芦的蜂蜜、家禽、山羊，以及足够为我的士兵提供四天食物的野豌豆和豆子。

我在营地门口遇见了酋长，深深鞠了一躬，邀请他到我的帐篷里来，这是我在条件允许的情况下安排的，用于这次招待会。我的波斯地毯和熊皮被铺开，一块宽阔的全新深红色布料覆盖着我的床架。

酋长是一位高大健壮的男子，他和他的首领们被邀请就座。他们对我、我的脸、我的衣服和枪投以一种几乎无法形容的满足和惊讶的表情。他们专注地看了我几秒钟，然后互相看了看，最终爆发出一阵无法控制的大笑，并不断打响指。他们说基尼亚姆韦齐语，我的翻译马甘加被要求向酋长通报我见到他们时感到的极大高兴。经过短暂的相互恭维和相互嘲笑的竞争后，他们的首领要求我向他展示我的枪。 “十六发枪”，温彻斯特步枪，引起了这位兴奋的男人一千次奉承的评论。他们认为这些致命的小型左轮手枪的美丽和做工超人，引起了如此令人满意的口才，以至于我很想尝试其他东西。双管枪发射出强大的威力，让他们假装惊慌地跳起来，然后又笑得前仰后合地坐回座位上。随着客人们的热情高涨，他们互相抓住对方的食指，拧、拉，直到我担心他们最终会脱臼。在向他们解释了白人和阿拉伯人之间的区别后，我拿出了我的药箱，这引起了人们对一排巧妙整齐的小药瓶的又一阵欣喜若狂的叹息。他问他们是什么意思。

“Dowa，”我简短地回答，这个词可以被解释为——医学。

“哦，哦，哦，”他们钦佩地低声说道。不久之后，我就成功地赢得了无条件的钦佩，与他们见过的最优秀的阿拉伯人相比，我的优越性实在是太明显了。 “Dowa，dowa，”他们补充道。

“这里，”我打开一瓶药用白兰地说道，“这是 Kisungu pombe”（白人啤酒）； “舀一勺尝尝”，同时递过去。

“哈克特，哈克特，哦，哈克特！什么！呃！白人喝的啤酒多烈啊！哦，我的喉咙多么灼痛啊！”

“啊，但这很好，”我说，“一点点就能让人感觉坚强、美好；但太多就会让人变坏，然后就会死亡。”

“给我一些吧，”一位酋长说道。 “和我”，“和我”，“和我”，每个人都尝过之后。

“接下来，我制作了一瓶浓缩氨水，正如我所解释的那样，它可以治疗蛇咬伤和头痛；苏丹立即抱怨说他头疼，而且一定是有点头疼。我让他闭上眼睛，然后突然打开瓶子，把它送到陛下的鼻子前。效果很神奇，他像中弹一样往后倒去，五官的扭曲程度难以形容。他的首领们哈哈大笑，拍手、掐掐、打响指，干出许多荒唐的事。我坚信这样的场景如果出现在世界上任何一个舞台上，观众都会立刻感受到它的效果；如果他们看到的和我看到的一样，他们一定会笑得歇斯底里和疯狂。苏丹终于恢复了平静，大颗的泪水从他的脸颊上滚落下来，他的面容因笑而颤抖，然后他慢慢地说出了“kali”这个词，即热的、强烈的、快速的或热情的药物。他不再要求更多，但其他酋长却上前去闻一闻，他们一闻到，所有人都爆发出无法控制的笑声。这次国事访问度过了一个上午，各方都感到满意。 ‘哦，’苏丹临别时说道，‘这些白人什么都知道，阿拉伯人与他们相比简直就是肮脏的！’”

那天晚上，其中一名向导哈姆达拉（Hamdallah）逃跑了，随身带着他的雇佣兵（27 doti）和一把枪。早上跟着他是没有用的，因为这会耽搁我很多天，超出我的承受能力。但我心里发誓，在我到达海岸之前，哈姆达拉先生应该制作出那 27 块布。

4月4日星期三，我们前往贡贝河，行程为15小时。 XNUMX米。从曼雅拉出发。

我们刚离开朋友马曼亚拉那片起伏的玉米地，就看到了一群高贵的斑马。两个小时后，我们进入了一片宏伟而高贵的公园土地，其壮丽的景色和广阔的前景，一望无际的翠绿地毯，到处都是微小的丛林，到处生长着茂密的树木，这无疑是非洲最美丽的场景之一。除此之外，当我翻过众多小山丘之一时，我看到了成群结队的水牛、斑马、长颈鹿和羚羊，这让我兴奋得血液在血管中流淌，就像我第一次登陆非洲时一样。土壤。我们沿着平原悄无声息地爬到贡贝河沿岸的营地。

这里终于是猎人的天堂了！我对小羚羊和野猪的狩猎显得多么琐碎和微不足道，在潮湿的草地和荆棘丛生的丛林中长途跋涉是多么愚蠢的浪费精力！我难道还没有清楚地记得我第一次在非洲丛林中的痛苦经历吗？但这——哪里有贵族花园能配得上这样的场景呢？这里有一片柔软、柔软的幼草，在那些蔓延的草丛下有宜人的树荫。在轻松的步枪射程内浏览大量种类繁多的游戏。当这样的前景展现在眼前时，我现在肯定对我绕道南行的漫长旅程感到充分的补偿！这里没有荆棘丛林和恶臭沼泽让猎人望而生畏，也没有让他对真正运动的渴望感到厌恶！没有哪个猎人能够渴望去一个更高贵的领域来展示他的英勇。

营地的位置可以俯瞰贡贝河洼地中的一个水池，我在确定好营地的位置后，拿起我的双筒滑膛枪，漫步到公园。只见三只肥美的跳羚从灌木丛后面钻出来，在一百码范围内的嫩草上吃草。我跪下来开枪；一只不幸的羚羊本能地向上跳跃，然后摔死了。它的同伴们高高地跳到空中，跳跃了大约十二英尺长，就像四足动物在练习体操一样，然后消失了，像印度橡皮球一样升起。直到一座小山丘遮住了他们的视线。士兵们大声欢呼，欢呼我的成功；他们一听到枪声就从营地跑了出来，我的持枪人用刀架在野兽的喉咙上，大声喊着“Bismillah！”因为他几乎把头从身体上割下来。

猎人现在被指示前往东部和北部获取肉类，因为每个商队中通常都会有丰迪，他们的特殊贸易是为营地狩猎肉类。其中一些人是跟踪专家，但在他们能够确定地发射最不准确的武器之前，由于必须近距离接近，他们经常发现自己处于危险的境地。

午餐后，我在两个拿枪男孩卡鲁鲁和马杰瓦拉的陪伴下，向西南方向漫步，包括春卷牛排、热玉米饼和一杯美味的摩卡咖啡。当我偷偷地穿过灌木丛时，那只小小虫像兔子一样从我身边惊醒。蜜鸟从一棵树跳到另一棵树，叽叽喳喳地叫着，仿佛它以为我正在寻找那颗甜蜜的小宝藏，而它的藏身之处只有它自己知道。但不是！我既不想要perpusilla，也不想要蜂蜜。今天我正在寻找一些很棒的东西。眼睛敏锐的鱼鹰和鸨在蜿蜒的贡贝思想上方的树上栖息，也许我有充分的理由在追赶它们；从这两个物种看到我接近时立即消失的准备飞行来看。啊，不！今天只有狷羚、斑马、长颈鹿、大羚羊和水牛！沿着贡贝河的河道走了大约一英里后，我长时间地注视着我早已陌生的宽阔而漫长的河段，让我的眼睛高兴起来，我看到了一个让我灵魂最深处感到高兴的景象；五、六、七、八、十匹斑马在大约一百五十码内交换它们美丽的条纹身体，互相撕咬。那场景是那么美丽，那么浪漫，我从来没有如此彻底地意识到自己身处中非。我一时感到自豪，我拥有如此广阔的领地，居住着如此高贵的野兽。在这里，我在铅球触手可及的地方拥有我所选择的任何一种美丽的动物，非洲森林的骄傲！我可以选择拍摄他们中的任何一个！我的他们没有钱，也没有价格；然而，知道这一点后，我两次放下步枪，不愿伤害皇家野兽，但是——噼啪！一位皇室成员仰面躺着，用双腿与空气搏斗。啊，真是可惜了！但是，赶紧用锋利的锋利的刀划过喉咙周围折叠的美丽条纹；还有——多么丑陋的伤口啊！完成了，我的脚下有一只出色的动物。欢呼！今晚我将品尝乌科农戈斑马。

我认为一匹春羚和斑马足以进行一天的运动，尤其是在长途行军之后。贡贝河是一条长长的深水区，蜿蜒进出绿树林，平静、平静，荷叶轻轻地落在水面上，美丽如画，宁静如夏日的梦境，看起来非常适合沐浴。我在一片宽阔的含羞草下找到了最阴凉的地方，从这里开始，地面像草坪一样光滑，一直延伸到平静、清澈的水面。我大着胆子脱掉衣服，已经踏进水里，双手合拢，进行了一次光荣的潜水，这时我的注意力被一个巨大的长身体吸引住了，它突然映入眼帘，占据了水面以下的位置。我正要通过“标题”进行探索。天哪，这是一条鳄鱼！我本能地向后一跳，这证明了我的救赎，因为怪物以最失望的表情转过身去，我只能庆幸自己从他的嘴里侥幸逃脱，并发誓再也不会被那个奸诈的人诱惑。非洲河流的平静。

我一穿好衣服，就转身离开了溪流现在令人厌恶的一面。在丛林中漫步，朝我的营地走去时，我发现了两个当地人的身影，目光锐利地环视着他们，在吩咐我的年轻随从保持绝对安静后，我爬向他们，并在浓密的灌木丛的帮助下灌木丛中，设法到达距当地人几英尺的地方而不被发现。他们仅仅出现在巨大的森林中，无法解释，就在这个国家当时混乱的状态中引起了不安，我的目的是突然向他们展示自己，并注意其影响，如果它预示着对远征队有任何敌意的话，借助我的双管滑膛枪，可以毫无困难地立即解决。

当我到达灌木丛的一侧时，两个看起来可疑的当地人也到达了另一侧，我们之间的距离只有几英尺。我一跃而过，我们面对面了。土著们看了一眼突然出现的白人身影，一时间似乎愣住了，但随后回过神来，尖叫道：“巴纳，巴纳，你们不认识我们。我们是瓦科农戈，来到你的营地是为了陪你去姆雷拉，我们正在寻找蜂蜜。”

“哦，可以肯定的是，你是瓦科农戈人。是的是的。啊，现在没关系了，我以为你可能是鲁加鲁加呢。”

于是，两方非但没有敌对，反而哈哈大笑。瓦科农戈人非常享受，一边开怀大笑，一边继续寻找野蜂蜜的路上。他们用一块树皮点燃一点火，用它把蜜蜂从大姆通杜树上的巢中熏出来。

一天的冒险结束了；蔚蓝的天空变成了死灰色。月亮刚刚出现在树林上方。贡贝河的水像一条银带；沙哑的青蛙在小溪边大声鸣叫。鱼鹰高高地栖息在最高的树上，发出挽歌般的叫声。大羚羊用鼻息向森林里的牛群发出警告。隐秘的食肉动物偷偷地穿过我们营地外的黑暗树林。我们在营地周围种植了高高的灌木丛和荆棘围墙，里面充满了欢乐、笑声和容光焕发、和蔼可亲的舒适感。每个篝火周围都蹲着一些黑色的人影：一个人在啃着一根甘美的骨头；一个人在啃着一块甘美的骨头；一个人在吃着一块美味的骨头。另一个吸食斑马腿骨中丰富的骨髓；另一个人把装饰着巨大烤肉串的棍子转向明亮的火焰。另一个把一根大肋骨放在火焰上。还有一些人则忙着勤奋地搅拌着黑色的乌加利大锅，焦急地看着肉在沸腾，汤在冒泡，而火光则闪烁着，勇敢地舞动着，在男人们赤裸的身躯上投射出明亮的光芒，给人们带来了一种享受。营地中央耸立的高大帐篷呈现出深红色调，就像一座供奉着神秘神祇的神庙；火把它们的倒影投射在我们营地上空的大树上，在它们的树叶的黑暗中，最奇妙的阴影是可见的。总而言之，这是一个狂野、浪漫、令人印象深刻的场景。但我的手下却很少考虑阴影、月光、深红色和寺庙般的帐篷——他们都忙着讲述自己的各种经历，并大口吃着我们的枪为我们获得的丰富肉食。其中一个正在讲述他如何跟踪一头野猪，受伤的动物对他发起了猛烈的攻击，导致他扔下枪，爬上一棵树，他清楚地记得那头野兽发出的可怕的咕噜声，整个世界都响起了他的模仿能力引起了阵阵笑声。另一个射杀了一头小水牛，另一个射杀了一头狷羚。瓦科农戈人讲述了他们在树林里与我的可笑的相遇，并慷慨地描述了树林里发现的蜂蜜储备。一直以来，塞利姆和他年轻的替补们都在尝试用锋利的牙齿咬一头小猪的肉，这头小猪被一名猎人射杀，但没有其他人会吃它，因为他们在伊斯兰教期间养成了对猪肉的厌恶。从黑人的野蛮转变为桑给巴尔自由民的有用的温顺。

接下来的两天我们停下来，对这个美好国家的牛群进行了频繁的袭击。第一天我在这项运动中再次取得了相当的成功。我带了几只羚羊、一只角捻角羚 (A. strepsiceros) 和一只红棕色的羚羊 (A. melampus)，站立高度约三英尺半，后部宽阔。如果我有兰开斯特、赖利或布利塞特制造的那些精确的重型步枪，我可能会成功地捕获数十只动物，他们的每一枪都说明了一切。但我的武器，除了我的轻型滑膛枪，不适合非洲比赛。我的武器更适合男人。有了温彻斯特步枪和斯塔尔卡宾枪，我能够击中两百码内的任何东西，但动物虽然受伤，但总是设法逃脱刀子，直到我对豌豆子弹感到厌恶。这个国家需要的是一个沉重的无聊——不。 10 或 12 是真正的骨头粉碎机——它将击中每只动物，从而避免所有疲劳和失望。这两天里，我有好几次在地面上费力地跟踪和爬行后感到失望。有一次，我突然遇到一只大羚羊，当时我手里拿着一把温彻斯特步枪——大羚羊和我都吃了一惊——相距不超过二十五码。我朝它的胸口开枪，子弹准确地射入了内部，鲜血从伤口中喷涌而出：几分钟后，他就跑远了，我太失望了，没能跟上他。在这几次事故发生之前，所有对追逐的热爱似乎都消失了。对于成千上万在平原上吃草的人来说，两只羚羊一日游算什么？

在我们三天的运动中，带到营地的动物是两只水牛、两只野猪、三只狷羚、一只斑马和一只帕拉；除此之外，还射杀了八只珍珠鸡、三只佛罗里达鸟、两只鱼鹰、一只鹈鹕，其中一名男子还捕获了几条大鲶鱼。与此同时，人们已经将这些丰富的肉切、切片并晒干，以便我们穿越面前的漫长荒野。

十月七日星期六，我们解散了营地，这让爱吃肉、贪吃的旺瓦纳感到非常遗憾。他们一早就派孟买来找我谈话，并恳求我再停一天。情况从来都是如此；当有肉的时候，他们总是对工作有一种无法克服的厌恶。孟买因在休息两天后向我提出这样的要求而受到严厉批评，这期间他们已经吃饱了肉。孟买的心情一点也不好。装满肉的肉锅比不断的徒步旅行和随之而来的疲劳更符合他的口味。我看到他的脸色变得阴沉难看，他的大下唇软软地垂了下来，这句话的意思就像是在表达：“好吧，让他们动起来吧，你这个邪恶的硬汉！我不会帮你的。”

在我向基兰戈兹吹响号角的命令之后，一片不祥的寂静，也听不到平常的歌声和口号。男人们闷闷不乐地转向他们的包裹，阿斯马尼，那个巨大的向导，我们的基迪，咕哝着说他很遗憾他答应带我去坦噶尼喀。然而，尽管不情愿，他们还是开始了。我和我的枪手一起留在后面，驱赶掉队的人。大约半小时后，我看到商队完全停了下来，大包扔在地上，男人们三五成群地站着，愤怒而兴奋地交谈着。

我从塞利姆肩上拿起我的双管枪，选了十几发铅弹，把其中两发装进枪管，调整好我的左轮手枪以便方便地工作，我朝他们走去。当我前进时，我注意到那些人拿起了枪。当距离这群人不到三十码时，我发现两个人的头出现在我左边的一个蚁丘上方，他们的枪管漫不经心地指向道路。

我停下来，把枪管扔进左手的凹陷处，然后故意瞄准他们，威胁说如果他们不上前跟我说话就炸掉他们的头。这两个人就是巨大的阿斯马尼和他的结拜伙伴马布鲁基，谢赫·本·纳西卜的向导。由于不遵守这样的命令是危险的，所以他们很快就来了，但是，我的目光一直盯着阿斯马尼，我看到他将手指移到了枪的扳机上，并将枪置于“准备就绪”状态。我再次举起枪，威胁他，如果他不放下枪，就立即死亡。

阿斯玛尼侧身走了过来，脸上挂着得意的笑容，但他的眼眸中却闪烁着凶恶的光芒，一如恶棍眼中的光芒。马布鲁基潜到我的后方，故意在他的步枪枪托里撒上火药，但我把枪猛地一扫，我把枪口放在距离他那张邪恶的脸大约两英尺的地方，命令他立即放下枪。他迅速将枪从手中滑落，并用我的枪猛烈地戳了他的胸部，这让他摇摇晃晃地离开了我几英尺，我转过身来面对阿斯马尼，命令他放下枪，同时也放下了枪。我的枪紧张地移动，同时轻轻地扣动扳机。在这短暂的时刻里，没有一个人比阿斯马尼更接近死亡。我不愿意让他流血，我也愿意想尽一切办法避免这样做；但如果我不能成功吓倒这个恶棍，我的权威就结束了。事实是，他们害怕在路上继续前进，而诱导他们移动的唯一可能的方法是使用压倒性的力量，在这种情况下运用我的力量和意志，即使他可能会因为不服从而付出代价。与死亡。当我开始感觉到阿斯马尼已经度过了他在地球上的最后一刻，当他把枪举到肩上时，一个人影从他身后出现，以一种不耐烦、紧张的动作把他的枪扫到一边，我听到马布鲁基的声音伯顿用惊恐的口音说道：

“伙计，你竟然敢用枪指着主人？”然后马布鲁基扑倒在我的脚边，试图亲吻我的脚，并恳求我不要惩罚他。 “现在一切都结束了，”他说。 “不会再有争吵，他们都会一直到坦噶尼喀河，不再有任何噪音；和安拉！”他说：“我们会在乌吉吉找到老穆松古*。”

*利文斯顿

“说吧，男人们，自由民，我们不可以吗？——我们不应该再没有麻烦就去坦噶尼喀吗？一声告诉主人。”

“哎呀瓦拉！艾瓦拉！巴纳阳戈！ Hamuna manneno mgini！”字面意思是：“是的，上帝啊！是的，上帝啊！我的主人！没有别的词了。”每个人大声说道。

“请请求主人的原谅，伙计，否则就走吧，”马布鲁基专横地对阿斯马尼说道。阿斯马尼照做了，让我们大家都满意。

我只剩下对所有人进行普遍赦免，除了孟买和安巴里，他们是叛乱的煽动者，现在叛乱已经被愉快地平息了。因为孟买本可以像我的船长一样，从一开始就制止所有坏脾气的表现，如果他愿意的话。但不，孟买比他的同胞中最胆怯的人更不愿意游行，不是因为他胆怯，而是因为他喜欢懒惰。

出发的命令再次发出，每个人都以惊人的敏捷速度拿起自己的货物，迅速离开视线。

在谈到这个主题时，我不妨在这里概述一下每个主要人物的概况，他们的名字经常出现在以下章节中。根据军衔，他们包括孟买、马布鲁基·伯顿、向导阿斯马尼、乔佩雷、乌利门戈、卡米西、安巴里、朱玛、厨师费拉吉、姆尼亚姆韦齐人马甘加、阿拉伯男孩塞利姆和年轻的枪手卡鲁鲁。

孟买从伯顿和斯皮克那里获得了出色的性格。伯顿盛赞他为“诚实的化身”。事实上，孟买既不太诚实，也不太不诚实，也就是说，他不敢偷太多东西。有时，他在分发肉时会巧妙地隐藏很大一部分肉供自己使用。他的这个小过失并没有让我感到太不安。作为队长，他应该比其他人得到更多的份额。他需要受到严密监视，当意识到这种情况时，他很少冒险挪用比我免费给他的衣服更多的衣服，如果他要求的话。作为私人仆人或贴身男仆，他本来是无可挑剔的，但作为同伴的上尉或杰玛达尔，他就超出了自己的职责范围。这是太多的脑力劳动，而且会产生太多的焦虑，无法让他保持秩序。有时，他的动作笨拙得无可救药，接到命令后就忘记了，经常弄坏或丢失一些有价值的物品，喜欢争论，并沉迷于咆哮。他认为哈吉·阿卜杜拉是天生最邪恶的白人之一，因为他看到他捡起男人的头骨并将它们放入麻袋中，好像他要用它们准备一种可怕的药物一样。他想知道他的前任主人是否写下了他自己所做的一切，当得知伯顿在他关于湖区的书中以及在基尔瓦收集头骨时没有说过任何话，他认为如果我这样做的话，我会做得很好。发表了这一重要事实。

* 孟买打算去朝圣，参观斯皮克的坟墓
有一天。

** 我回到英国后发现，伯顿上尉已经
向全世界通报了这一“邪恶和令人憎恶的行为”
他关于桑给巴尔的书，以及有趣的收藏
可以在伦敦皇家外科医学院看到。

Mabruki，“Ras-bukra Mabruki”，伯顿称他为“牛头马布鲁基”，在我看来，他是一个悲惨地受到虐待的人。 Mabruki虽然愚蠢，但很忠诚。他完全不适合当男仆，还不如当职员。作为一名守望员，他是无价的，作为第二队长或队长，他的职责是抚养掉队的人，他非常出色。他丑陋又虚荣，但他不是胆小鬼。

向导阿斯玛尼身材高大，身高超过六英尺，脖子和肩膀都像赫拉克勒斯。除了担任向导之外，他还是一名 Fundi，有时被称为 Fundi Asmani，即猎人。一个非常迷信的人，他非常小心地保管着他的枪和护身符编织的绳子，他将绳子浸入了他射杀过的所有动物的血液中。他害怕狮子，永远不会冒险去有狮子出没的地方。所有其他动物都被他视为猎物，并孜孜不倦地追逐。人们很少看到他脸上不带着歉意或奸诈的微笑。他可以用刀划过一个人的喉咙，但仍然微笑。

乔佩雷是个三十岁左右的矮个子男人，身材魁梧。脾气非常好，而且很幽默。当乔佩雷用他干巴巴的马克·吐温风格说话时，整个阵营都笑了。我从来没有和Chowpereh吵过架，从来没有和他吵过架。对 Chowpereh 说一句善意的话肯定会得到善行的回报。他是所有人中最坚强、最健康、最和蔼可亲、最忠诚的。他是一个好的追随者的化身。

卡米西是一个整洁、干净的男孩，二十岁左右，活跃，声音大，爱吹牛，是胆怯中最胆怯的人。他会抓住一切机会偷窃。他深情地握着枪；如果螺丝松了，或者打火石打不着火，他总是会过度焦虑，但我怀疑他是否能因为过度颤抖而向敌人开枪。卡米西宁愿把自己的安全托付给他的脚，因为他的脚很小，而且形状很好。

安巴里是一个四十岁左右的男人。他是斯皮克的“忠实信徒”之一，也是我的忠实信徒之一。除非遇到敌人或面临迫在眉睫的人身危险，否则他不会逃离我。他在自己的方式上很聪明，但还不够聪明，无法扮演船长的角色——可以管理一小群人，并对他们做出很好的解释。很懒惰，热爱美好生活——讨厌行军，除非他除了枪之外没有别的东西可以携带。

朱玛是党里最受虐待的人，因为他有老妇人的作风，但以他老妇人的作风，他愿意为我尽力而为，尽管他不会在不呻吟的情况下承受一磅的重量。对他的悲惨命运深感震惊。对我来说，他是多愁善感的、可怜的；对于商队中不重要的成员，他是严厉且不妥协的。但事实是，我完全可以不需要朱玛的存在：他是一个无可救药的无用者，吃的远远超过了他的价值；他是一个无能的人。除了是一个过度抱怨和爱发牢骚的傻瓜之外。

乌利门戈是一位三十岁的强健男子，是我们队伍中最疯狂、最愚蠢的一个。尽管他是个彻头彻尾的胆小鬼，但他却是个十足的自吹自擂者。尽管他热爱享乐，但他并不排斥工作。如果没有战斗的话，有一百个像他这样的人，我就可以走遍非洲。人们会记得，他是一位尚武的科里菲乌斯，他带领我的小军队与米兰博作战，唱着旺瓦纳的战歌；我说过，当决定撤退时，他是我党中第一个到达姆富托要塞的人。他是一位敏捷的赛跑者，也是一位公平的猎人。我曾多次感谢他为我的食品储藏室增添了受欢迎的东西。

费拉吉（Ferajji）曾是斯皮克的洗碗工，现在是我的厨师。在萨拉姆邦德叛逃和阿卜杜勒·卡德尔极度不适之后，他被提升到这个职位。为了清洁餐具，第一根玉米芯、绿树枝、一束树叶或草，在没有布的情况下满足了费拉吉的目的。如果我点了一个盘子，我向他指出一个黑色、油腻、烟熏的拇指印，费拉吉认为手指的摩擦就足以消除所有的反对意见。如果我暗示勺子很脏，费拉吉认为只要沾点口水，用腰布擦一擦，即使是最挑剔的人也应该感到满意。我在非洲吃的每一磅肉、每三勺麝香或粥，都至少含有十粒沙子。费拉吉受到了我对他的威胁，说我一到桑给巴尔，就让那里的英国大医生打开我的胃，数一数里面发现的每一粒沙子，每粒沙子都要向费拉吉收取一粒钱。美元。意识到我的胃里一定有大量的东西，为此付出的代价将是沉重的，这让他有时感到非常悲伤。除此之外，费拉吉是一位好厨师，即使不是很有成就，也是最勤奋的。下令停车后十分钟内，他就能端出一杯茶，三四个热煎饼，对此我深表感激，因为长途行军后我几乎总是饿着肚子。费拉吉站在巴拉卡一边，在乌尼约罗对抗孟买，当斯皮克站在孟买一边时，费拉吉出于对巴拉卡的爱，离开了斯皮克的服务，并因此没收了他的薪水。

马甘加是姆尼亚姆韦齐人，是姆奎文奎人，是一位坚强、忠诚的仆人，一位优秀的牧师，脾气无可指责。正是他，在行军的任何时候，开始了万亚姆韦齐搬运工狂野而热烈的歌声，无论阳光多么炎热，无论行军有多长，这首歌曲都一定会给人们带来欢乐和活力。每逢这种时候，所有的手都在唱歌，歌声几英里外都能听到，这声音让大森林里响起了声音，这让方圆几英里内大大小小的动物都惊恐不已。当接近一个村庄，那里的人民可能对我们有敌意时，马甘加就会开始唱歌，整个队伍都加入合唱，通过这种方式我们可以知道当地人是友好还是敌对。如果有敌意或胆怯，大门就会立即关闭，黑暗的面孔会从内部对我们怒目而视；如果友好的话，他们就会冲出大门欢迎我们，或者友好地交谈。

探险队的一位重要成员是年轻的阿拉伯人塞利姆。如果没有一个能说一口流利阿拉伯语的人，我不可能获得乌尼亚延贝阿拉伯酋长的友谊；我也无法与他们很好地沟通，因为虽然我懂阿拉伯语，但我不会说。

我已经讲述了卡鲁鲁如何为我服务，以及他如何使用现在的名字。我很快就发现他学得好学又快，因此他被提升为私人侍从。即使塞利姆也无法在敏捷性和猜测我在餐桌上的需求方面与卡露露竞争。他那双黑色的小眼睛不断地在盘子上扫视着，研究着哪些是进一步必要的，哪些是变得不必要的。

大约4小时后，我们到达了Ziwani。 30 m。从我们离开那一刻起，这个现场就几乎见证了一场血腥冲突。齐瓦尼（Ziwani）或水池里没有水，一滴水也没有，直到我的人民干渴的舌头警告他们必须继续挖掘水。这次挖掘是在干燥的硬结块底部进行的（使用尖锐的坚固硬棍）。挖到六英尺深后，他们的劳动得到了回报，看到几滴浑浊的液体从侧面渗出，他们急切地吞下这些液体，以解口渴。一些人自愿带着水桶、葫芦和水壶向南出发，前往乌坎巴一个名为“通戈尼”的荒芜空地，大约三个小时后返回，带来了大量可供立即使用的优质清澈水源。

1小时内。 30 m。我们到达了这片通戈尼（Tongoni），或者说是瓦坎巴（Wakamba）荒凉的空地。这里有三四个村庄被烧毁，大片空地一片荒凉，这是米兰博的瓦鲁加拉加的杰作。那些留下来的居民，在繁荣的定居点遭到掠夺和彻底破坏后，向西移居到乌加拉。现在，一大群水牛在为乌坎巴村庄提供水源的水池里解渴。

在这些森林的地表之上突然出现了大量的铁赤铁矿。野果开始丰富；木苹果、罗望子和一种像李子一样的小水果，为我们提供了许多美味的食物。

蜜鸟在乌科农戈的这些森林中非常常见。它的叫声响亮而快速。瓦科农戈人懂得如何利用它的指引来获取野生蜜蜂储存在某棵大树的裂缝中的甜蜜蜂蜜宝藏。每天，加入我们商队的瓦科农戈人都会给我带来巨大的蜂巢蛋糕，里面有美味的白蜂蜜和红蜂蜜。红色的蜂巢一般都含有大量的死蜂，但我们贪吃的人们却对此不以为意。它们不仅吃蜜蜂，还吃大量的蜂蜡。

蜜鸟一看到旅人，立即发出一连串狂野而兴奋的叫声，从一根树枝跳到另一根树枝，从一根树枝跳到另一根树枝，然后跳到另一棵树上，不断地重复着它的叽叽喳喳的叫声。当地人了解了小鸟的本性，毫不犹豫地跟随了他。但也许他的脚步对于不耐烦的呼叫者来说太慢了，他飞回来，催促他更大声、更不耐烦的叫喊，加快速度，然后迅速向前冲去，好像他要展示他能多快到达蜂蜜店。直到最后到达宝藏时，当地人已经在蜂巢上放火，并获取了蜂蜜，而小鸟则整理着自己，并发出胜利的叫声，仿佛他在告诉两足动物，如果没有他的帮助，他就可以了。永远不可能找到蜂蜜。

由于附近有大量的猎物，水牛蚊和采采蝇在这次行军中非常麻烦。

9月XNUMX日，我们向南行军，在一片美丽的树林中央扎营。路上的水非常稀少。瓦姆里玛人和万亚姆韦齐人很快就无法忍受干渴。当水充足时，它们会到每条溪流和池塘处解渴。当资源稀缺时，就像这里以及马伦加和马贡达·姆卡利的沙漠一样，人们会进行漫长的下午行军。然而，人们之前已经装满了葫芦，以便第二天一早到达水边。塞利姆始终无法忍受口渴。不管他带了多少珍贵的液体，他一般在到达营地之前就已经喝光了，因此他一夜就受苦了。除此之外，他还冒着生命危险从每一个泥潭里痛饮。这一天，他开始抱怨自己流血了，我认为这是痢疾的早期阶段。

自从离开乌干达以来，在这些行军中，篝火旁最喜欢的话题就是瓦鲁加鲁加人和他们的暴行，以及我们可能与这些勇敢的森林流浪者的遭遇。我坚信，如果米兰博的六名人突然袭击，整个商队就会四散奔逃。

第二天，经过短短三个小时的行军，我们到达了马雷富。在那里，我们发现乌尼亚延贝的阿拉伯人向南瓦图塔派遣了一个使团，其中携带了几包礼物，由哈桑·姆塞古哈负责。这位英勇的领导人和外交家因前线发生战争和战争谣言而在这里停留了十天左右。据说，乌科农戈的姆博加苏丹姆博戈正在与曼瓦·塞拉的兄弟交战，而姆博戈是乌科农戈的一个大区，距离马雷富只有两天路程；由于害怕卷入这件事，老哈桑不敢继续前进。他还建议我不要继续下去，因为不卷入冲突是不可能这样做的。我告诉他我打算继续赶路，并抓住机会，并慷慨地提供护送他直到乌菲帕边境的机会，从那里他可以轻松安全地继续前往瓦图塔，但他拒绝了。

我们已经沿着西南方向行驶了十四天，已经经过了略多于一度的纬度。我本来打算再往南走一点，因为这条路太好了，而且再往南走，我们就不用担心会遇到米兰博了。但是关于我们前线这场战争的报道，只有两天的休息时间，迫使我为了远征队的利益，向坦噶尼喀进发，一条自西向北穿过森林的路线，在有利的时候旅行，沿着大象足迹和当地小路。这个新计划是在与导游阿斯马尼协商后通过的。当我们穿过贡贝河时，我们就进入了乌科农戈地区。到达马雷夫的第二天，我们在村民和阿拉伯大使的注视下向西猛冲，直到最后一刻，他们一直重复我们“一定能抓住它”。

我们在森林里行进了八个小时，那里盛产森林桃子，或者说“mbembu”。结这种果子的树很像梨树，而且产量很高。我看到一棵树，我估计树上至少有六七蒲式耳。这一天我吃了好几个桃子。只要能产出这种果实，到这些地区去的旅行者就不用担心挨饿。

在一个优美的锥体山脚下，我们发现了一个叫乌腾德的村庄，当我们突然出现在他们上方的山脊上时，村里的居民都处于极大的惊慌之中。外交方面敦促我向苏丹赠送一份多提的礼物，但苏丹不肯接受，因为他碰巧喝了酒，因​​此很无礼。当得知他将拒绝任何礼物，除非他再收到四块布时，我立即下令在一座小山山顶上建造一个坚固的博马，靠近充足的水源，然后悄悄地再次收拾礼物。在捆中。我占据了一个战略性的位置，因为我可以扫过山的表面，以及山脚和瓦滕德村之间的整个空间。守夜人整夜都在巡逻。但幸运的是，直到早上我们才受到困扰。当一个由主要人物组成的代表团来问我是否打算在没有给首领送礼物的情况下离开时。我回答他们说，我不想在没有与酋长交朋友的情况下经过任何一个国家。如果他们的首领愿意接受我送的一块好布，我就会无偿地送给他。尽管他们一开始对礼物的数量表示异议，但最终我为酋长的妻子添加了一大串红色珠子——sami-sami，从而结束了我们之间的分歧。

从乌腾德的山丘和山脊向西延伸出一片森林，森林的尽头是一座高出平原 500 或 600 英尺、顶部光滑的宏伟山脊。

12 月 XNUMX 日，经过四个小时的行军，我们到达了一条类似于贡贝河的明渠，在雨季，这条明渠流入贡贝河，然后流入马拉加拉齐河。

露营前不久，我们看到了一群宁巴（Nimba）或帕拉（pallah）。我很幸运地拍到了一只，这对于我们在贡贝营地准备的干肉储备来说是一个受欢迎的补充。根据森林的数量，我们判断这里有很多水牛，还有大象和犀牛。有羽毛的物种以朱鹮、鱼鹰、鹈鹕、鹳、鹤、几种雪琵鹭和火烈鸟为代表。

从明渠（mtoni）出发，我们前往姆瓦鲁（Mwaru），姆瓦鲁地区的主要村庄，村长是卡米拉博（Ka-mirambo）。我们的行进路线是一片荒凉的空地，曾经被卡米兰博的人民占据，但大约十年前，在姆卡西瓦与曼瓦色拉的战争中，他们被姆卡西瓦赶走了。后者的兄弟尼翁戈（Niongo）正在与姆博戈（Mbogo）作战，在我们到达的前一天，他在被敌人击败后穿过了姆瓦鲁（Mwaru）。

从乌腾德可以看到西边地平线的丘陵山脊在这一天被翻越了。西坡走向西南，由姆雷拉河（River Mrera）排水，注入马拉加拉齐河（Malagarazi River）。即使在这里，我们也感受到了坦噶尼喀河的影响，尽管我们距离湖还有十二或十五步之遥。丛林密度增加，草丛变得非常高。这些点让我们想起了乌克韦雷和乌卡米的海域。

我们从这个地方的一支商队那里听到，刚刚从乌菲帕过来，据报道有一名白人在“乌鲁阿”，我猜他指的是利文斯通。

离开姆瓦鲁后，我们进入了姆雷拉地区，他是一位酋长，曾经在该地区拥有巨大的权力和影响力。然而，战争把他的领地限制在三四个紧挨着丛林的村庄，丛林的外缘非常密集，就像一堵石墙一样可以击退入侵者。在主入口前，有九个漂白的头骨，粘在许多杆子的顶部，这告诉我们瓦科农戈人和瓦扎维拉之间存在的世仇。后一个部落居住在距离我们以西几英里的一个国家。我们应该避开他们的领土，除非我们寻求另一个机会在与当地人的战斗中脱颖而出。姆雷拉的瓦科农戈人告诉我们，瓦扎维拉人是所有旺瓦纳人的敌人。

在姆瓦鲁和姆雷拉之间的一条狭窄的沼泽地带，我们看到了一小群野象。这是我第一次在野外看到这些动物，我对它们的第一印象我不会轻易忘记。我不禁觉得大象当之无愧的“百兽之王”称号。他巨大的体形，他凝视领地入侵者的威严方式，以及他的整个外表显示出有意识的力量，为他声称这一头衔提供了充分的理由。当我们在一英里之外经过时，这群大象停下来观察经过的商队：满足了好奇心后，大象成群结队地走进了南边沼泽平原的森林，仿佛商队无处不在——对他们来说，这些都是日常事务，而他们——森林和沼泽的自由且不可征服的领主——与胆怯的两足动物没有任何共同之处，后者从来没有勇气在公平的战斗中面对他们。牛群对森林造成的破坏简直是巨大的。当树木还年轻时，可能会发现整片树木被连根拔起并倒塌，这标志着大象“在树林中踩踏路径并刹车”时的足迹。

男孩塞利姆在这个地方病得很重，我不得不为他停下车队两天。他的四肢似乎患有某种疾病，除了患有急性痢疾外，还四肢摊开，颤抖得非常痛苦。但持续的照顾和照顾很快让他康复了。第三天，他终于能忍受骑行的疲劳了。

在姆雷拉逗留期间，我拍摄到了几只动物。修炼之外的森林里盛产高贵的动物。斑马、长颈鹿、大象和犀牛是最常见的；雷鸟和珍珠鸡也很丰富。

姆雷拉的战士几乎都配备了火枪，他们对火枪非常小心。他们非常迫切地需要燧石、子弹和火药，而我总是特意拒绝，以免随时发生争吵，他们可能会使用如此提供的弹药对我不利。这个村子里的男人都是一群无所事事的人，除了打猎、张口结舌、闲聊和像大男孩一样玩耍之外，几乎什么也不做。在姆雷拉逗留期间，我花了很大一部分时间来补鞋子，修补衣服上的巨大裂痕，这些东西在行军后期几乎被荆棘物种毁坏了。向西，超越姆雷拉，是一片荒野，我们被警告过境需要九天时间，因此需要购买大量粮食，在我们的前线试图进入无人居住的空地之前，这些粮食必须被磨碎和筛选。

吉祥如意，——蚁丘。——坦噶尼喀河的分水岭
狮子。——卡塞拉之王。——狮子和狮子的家园
豹子。——驴子吓坏了豹子——壮丽的场景
卡文迪，—饥饿迫在眉睫。—旅行设施
非洲。—敲诈勒索者。—Uhha 风雨飘摇的孩子们。—新闻
一个白人。——精力充沛的游行——Mionvu，酋长
进贡者。——午夜逃亡。——辛苦劳作
丛林。—湖山。—坦噶尼喀河初景。—
抵达乌吉吉——与利文斯顿的愉快会面。

17 月 XNUMX 日，我们告别了姆雷拉，继续向西北行进。现在我和所有的人都是坚定的朋友；所有的争吵早已停止。孟买和我已经忘记了我们的争吵；基兰戈齐和我已经准备好拥抱，我们彼此之间的相处是那么充满爱意和深情。所有人的心中都恢复了信心——正如 Mabruk Unyanyembe 所说，现在“我们可以闻到坦噶尼喀河的鱼腥味了。” Unyanyembe尽管充满不安，却远远落后。我们可以对那个可怕的米兰博和他肆无忌惮的追随者打响指，也许，不久之后，我们也许可以嘲笑那个总是预言不祥事件的胆怯的预言家——纳西布的儿子谢赫。当我们列队滑行穿过姆雷拉空地之外的年轻森林丛林时，我们高兴地大笑，并夸耀我们的英勇。哦！那天早上我们真的很勇敢！

从丛林中出来，我们进入了一片稀疏的森林，那里看到了无数的蚁丘，就像许多沙丘一样。我想这些蚁丘是在一个非常潮湿的季节形成的，当时森林覆盖的平原可能被淹没了。我见过成千上万的蚂蚁在忙着在其他遭受洪水侵袭的地区建造山丘的工作。这些微小的昆虫构建了多么奇妙的细胞系统啊！一个完美的迷宫——细胞与细胞、房间与房间、大厅与大厅——工程人才和高建筑能力的展示——一座模范城市，巧妙地设计了安全和舒适！

经过短短一个小时的行军，走出森林，我们看到了一条潺潺的半透明溪流，它迅速地向西北流去，我们怀着一种只有长期喝过这种可饮用液体而感到恶心的人的喜悦心情。在盐沼、姆布加斯、水池和水坑中发现的最肮脏的种类，可以实现。溪流之外，矗立着一座崎岖陡峭的山脊，从山顶上，我们的眼前充满了浪漫、生动、如画的景色。它们为人们带来了一场不寻常的盛宴，满足了人们对森林深处、高耸的树干和丛生的叶冠的观察。现在，我们面前有数十个锥体，点缀着平原的表面，该平原横跨乌科农戈南部，一直延伸到瓦菲帕地区，最远到达里夸平原。我们突然面临的广阔前景是多种多样的。除了圆锥形山丘和雄伟的平顶孤立山脉之外，我们还可以看到伦瓜河（Rungwa River）和马拉加拉齐河（Malagarazi River）的分水岭，该河在我们所在的位置以南注入坦噶尼喀河，坦噶尼喀河在一定程度上受到了马拉加拉齐河的影响。所以在这个位置的北部。一条单一但漫长的纬度山脊作为伦格瓦河和马拉加拉齐河分水岭的分界线；在这条山脊以西二十英里左右的地方，出现了另一条南北走向的山脊。

这一天，我们在丛林里扎营，靠近一条狭窄的峡谷，底部是沼泽地，流淌着软泥的泥泞，来自伦格瓦分水岭的水慢慢地向南流向里夸平原。不过，这只是众多峡谷之一，有的宽几百码，有的只有几码宽，谷底是最危险的泥潭，长满了茂密高大的芦苇和纸莎草。在这些深邃的泥浆表面，可以看到数百条细细的、粘稠的赭色水线，上面布满了动物。渐渐地，在这条山脊底部以南几英里处（我称之为卡塞拉，来自它把它切成两半的国家），这几条峡谷汇聚在一起，流入宽阔的、[沼泽？]、软泥状、松软的地方。 Usense 的“河流”，流向东南方向；之后，将来自北部和东北部的水道内容物汇集到自己更宽的河道中，它很快就成为一条具有一定宽度和影响力的溪流，并与一条从东部流向乌罗里方向的河流相遇，并与之汇合位于 Rikwa 平原，向西直线行驶约 60 英里注入坦噶尼喀湖。据我所知，伦瓦河被认为是北部的乌索瓦国家和南部的乌菲帕国家之间的边界线。

我们刚刚完成营地防御工事的建设，就听到一些人向一小群土著发起挑战，他们向我们的营地前进，领头的是一名男子，从他的服装和头饰来看，我们知道他来自桑给巴尔。在交换了习惯性的称呼后，我得知这支队伍是辛巴（“狮子”）的使者，辛巴统治着乌尼亚姆韦齐南部的卡塞拉。有人告诉我，辛巴是乌尼亚延贝国王姆卡西瓦的儿子，他正在与瓦扎维拉人交战，我被警告要提防他们。他听过关于我的伟大的报道，以至于他很遗憾我没有走他去乌卡文迪的路，这样他就有机会见到我，并与我交朋友；但由于辛巴没有亲自来访，所以他派了这个使节来接我，希望我能向他赠送一件布状的友谊信物。尽管我对这个要求感到相当惊讶，但我仍然出于政治考虑而与这位有权有势的酋长成为我的朋友，以免我从利文斯通搜索回来后，他和我可能会闹翻。既然我有责任为了和平而送出一份礼物，那么有必要通过赠送——如果我愿意赠送的话——一份皇家礼物来表达我对和平的渴望。大使从我那里向辛巴（卡塞拉的“狮子”）转交了两件华丽的衣服，以及另外两件由梅里卡尼（Merikani）和卡尼基（Kaniki）组成的多蒂（doti）；而且，如果我可以相信大使的话，我已经和辛巴成为了永远的朋友。

18月XNUMX日，我们按照惯例离开营地，继续向西北行军，沿着卡塞拉山脚下的一条曲折道路，我们遇到了各种各样的困难。我们走过了至少十几个沼泽沟壑，深浅的泥沼和积水让人极度焦虑。我陷入了大象造成的斯泰吉亚软泥深坑中，深至脖子，不得不穿着沾满泥土和粘液的湿漉漉、黑色的衣服穿过朗格瓦源头的软泥床。出于礼貌，我不能脱衣；炎热的阳光也会把我的身体晒出水泡。此外，这些沼泽地太频繁了，不能浪费时间脱衣和穿衣，而且，由于每个人都有自己适当的负担，强迫他们背着我过去是残酷的。因此，我什么都没有剩下，只能继续前进，带着我的衣服和装备，带着我的本性在这种紧急情况下所能聚集的所有哲学斯多葛主义，进入这几条沼泽水道。但至少可以说，这是非常不舒服的。

我们很快就进入了可怕的瓦扎维拉的领地，但看不到任何敌人。辛巴在他的战争中，彻底清理了乌扎维拉的北部地区，我们所遇到的最糟糕的莫过于这个荒凉的国家，从被烧毁的小屋和被毁坏的村庄的废墟数量来看，这里一定曾经是极其荒凉的。人口众多。一片年轻的丛林在他们的田野里蓬勃发展，并迅速成为森林野生居民的家园。在一个废弃的、破败的村庄里，我为探险队找到了住所，这里一点也不舒服。我在我们占领的废弃村庄米松吉附近射杀了三只珍珠鸡，我的一位猎人乌利门戈捕获了一只羚羊，称为“姆瓦拉”，一些万尼亚姆韦齐人对它的肉有一种迷信的厌恶。我认为这种羚羊高约三英尺半，皮肤呈红色，头长，角短，是斯皮克在乌干达发现的“Nzoe”羚羊，根据博士的说法，它的拉丁文名称是.斯克莱特，“Tragelaphus Spekii”。它有一条短而浓密的尾巴，脊柱上有长毛。

我们沿着自西向北的方向进行了一次长行军，持续了六个小时，穿过一片可以看到黑貂羚羊的森林，那里的猎物也很丰富，最后我们来到了一条小溪，小溪流淌在一座高耸的圆锥形山丘的山脚下。山坡上长满了茂密的毛竹林。

20日，离开位于溪流和上面提到的圆锥形山之间的营地，翻过从圆锥形山底倾斜的低矮山脊，迎接我们的是另一幅风景如画的景色，圆锥体和陡峭的山脉，它向四面八方上升。经过近五个小时的行军，穿过这个风景如画的国家，我们来到了朗格瓦河的支流之一姆波夸河，并来到了一个最近被瓦扎维拉河废弃的村庄。这些小屋几乎都完好无损，就像以前的居民留下的一样。花园里还发现了蔬菜，它们在长期吃肉之后非常感谢我们。树枝上还搁着瓦扎维拉的拉雷斯和佩纳特斯，它们的形状是制作精良的大陶罐。

在邻近的河流中，我的一名手下仅用了几分钟就成功地单手捕获了 60 条鲶鱼。许多鸟类在溪流中盘旋，如白头鱼鹰、翠鸟、巨大的雪琵鹭、朱鹮、马丁斯等。这条河发源于姆波夸村以北约八英里的山丛，沿着一条狭窄的水流流淌，蜿蜒蜿蜒在两侧高高的芦苇和茂密的灌木丛中，这里是数百只羚羊和水牛的家园。姆波夸以南，山谷变宽，山脉向东和向西偏转，越过这一点，就开始了称为里夸的平原，在马西卡期间，该平原被淹没，但在旱季，呈现出与旱季相同的漂白面貌。非洲平原通常在草成熟时就会发生这种情况。

沿着姆波夸河右岸向上行驶，21日，我们来到了溪流的源头，姆波夸河的源头从高耸的山脉包围的深谷中流出。姆巴瓦拉和水牛数量充足。

22日，经过四个半小时的行军，我们来到了美丽的姆坦布溪，溪水甘甜，清澈如水晶，向北流去。我们第一次看到狮子和豹子的家。听听弗莱利格拉特如何评价这个地方：

荆棘丛生的刹车处
密集地填充空隙
树木，透过粗壮的枝条
从来没有阳光照亮这个地方，
那里居住着狮子，一位君主，
野兽中最强大的；
他有至高无上的统治权
他的主张从未有过争议。
他躺在那里睡觉，
杀戮并吃饱后；
他在那里漫游，在那里蹲伏，
因为这符合他的君王意志。

我们在离诗人描述的地方只有几码远的地方扎营。我们到达营地后不久，照顾山羊和驴子的牧羊人就把这些动物赶到水边，为了取水，他们穿过了由大象和犀牛造成的刹车隧道。刚进入漆黑的洞穴通道，一只黑斑豹扑了过来，用獠牙咬住了其中一头驴的脖子，让它痛得发出可怕的嘶叫声。它的同伴们组成了如此可怕的合唱，并在空中用脚后跟猛击猫科掠夺者，以至于豹子从刹车处跳开，仿佛对攻击所引发的大声叫喊感到非常沮丧。驴子的脖子上有一些可怕的伤口，但它并没有受到危险的伤害。

想着我可能会在那条高大树木的黑暗带里遇到狮子或豹子的冒险，在它们难以穿透的树荫下生长着茂密的灌木丛，为食肉动物形成了如此令人钦佩的隐蔽处，我沿着这个令人敬畏的地方漫步持枪者卡鲁鲁携带了一把额外的枪和更多的弹药。我们小心翼翼地爬行，敏锐地观察着深深的黑暗巢穴，当我们行进时，它们的入口向我们显露出来，期待每时每刻都能看到著名的灌木丛君主，向前迎接我们，我采取了在我的想象中，我特别高兴地想象这个愤怒的畜生的辉煌和威严，就像他站在我面前一样。我仔细地凝视着每一个黑暗的开口，希望能看到那双愤怒的大眼睛里致命的光芒，以及狮子在看着我时怒目而视、充满威胁的正面。可惜！经过一个小时的冒险探索，我什么也没遇到，于是我鼓起了勇气，爬进了其中一个绿树成荫、荆棘丛生的洞穴，发现自己很快就站在了一个树冠下，树冠高举在我头顶上方一百英尺处。皇家 mvule 形状优美、高耸的茎。谁能想象这个位置？光滑的草坪般的空地；我们周围是一片茂密而可怕的难以穿越的丛林；那些庄严的天然柱子——皇家树木的辉煌方阵，在如此崇高的高度上承载着鲜艳的绿色树叶，没有一丝阳光穿透它们，而在我们脚下，原始的小溪在光滑的鹅卵石上潺潺流淌，柔和的色调适合场面神圣安静！谁能亵渎这庄严神圣的和谐自然呢？但正当我认为任何人都不可能被诱惑去打扰这个地方的宁静与孤独时，我看到一只猴子高高地栖息在我头顶的树枝上，带着敬畏的目光注视着那些奇怪的入侵者。下面。好吧，我忍不住，我笑了——笑得又响又长，直到我被混乱的哭声和奇怪的声音压住了，它们似乎是对我的笑声的回应。一群隐藏在上方绿叶深处的猴子被粗暴地惊醒，它们被我发出的噪音吓了一跳，发出可怕的叫喊声和尖叫声，急忙逃离现场。

再次出现在灿烂的阳光下，我继续漫步寻找可以拍摄的东西。不久，我看到一头体形巨大的淡红色野猪，在左边姆坦布河谷的森林里静静地吃食，野猪长着最可怕的獠牙。让卡鲁鲁蹲在一棵树后面，把我的太阳能头盔放在附近的另一棵树后面——这样我就可以更安全地跟踪这只动物——我向他前进了四十码，故意瞄准后，向他的前肩开枪。仿佛没有任何事情伤害过他，这只动物猛烈地一跳，然后站着，鬃毛竖起，尾巴卷曲在背上——看上去是一个最可怕的野兽。当他听着，并用他敏锐的小眼睛搜寻着附近的时候，我又在他的胸口开了一枪，子弹穿过了他的身体。然而，他并没有像我预料的那样倒下，而是朝着子弹来的方向猛烈冲锋，当他从我身边冲过去时，又一颗球射了出来，直接穿过了他；但他仍然继续前行，直到距离卡鲁鲁一侧蹲在树后、头盔放在另一侧后面的树林六七码以内时，他突然停了下来，然后倒下了。但当我正准备用刀刺向他时，他突然惊醒了。他的眼睛看到了小男孩卡露露，紧接着，他的眼睛就被那顶雪白的头盔所吸引。事实证明，他两侧的这些奇怪物体对野猪来说实在是太难以忍受了，因为他发出一声可怕的咕噜声，从一侧冲进了浓密的灌木丛中，不可能将他从那里赶走，而且现在已经晚了，而且营地距我们大约三英里，我只好不情愿地没有带肉就回来了。

在去营地的路上，有一只大动物陪伴着我们，它一直在我们的左边跟着我们。天色太暗，看不清，但可以看到一个巨大的形状，尽管轮廓不是很清楚。那肯定是一头狮子，除非是死野猪的鬼魂。

That night, about 11 P.M., we were startled by the roar of a lion, in close proximity to the camp. Soon it was joined by another, and another still, and the novelty of the thing kept me awake. I peered through the gate of the camp, and endeavoured to sight a rifle—my little Winchester, in the accuracy of which I had perfect confidence; but, alas! for the cartridges, they might have been as well filled with sawdust for all the benefit I derived from them. Disgusted with the miserable ammunition, I left the lions alone, and turned in, with their roaring as a lullaby.

That terrestrial paradise for the hunter, the valley of the pellucid Mtambu, was deserted by us the next morning for the settlement commonly known to the Wakawendi as Imrera’s, with as much unconcern as though it were a howling desert. The village near which we encamped was called Itaga, in the district of Rusawa. As soon as we had crossed the River Mtambu we had entered Ukawendi, commonly called “Kawendi” by the natives of the country.

The district of Rusawa is thickly populated. The people are quiet and well-disposed to strangers, though few ever come to this region from afar. One or two Wasawahili traders visit it every year or so from Pumburu and Usowa; but very little ivory being obtained from the people, the long distance between the settlements serves to deter the regular trader from venturing hither.

If caravans arrive here, the objective point to them is the district of Pumburu, situated south-westerly one day’s good marching, or, say, thirty statute miles from Imrera; or they make for Usowa, on the Tanganika, via Pumburu, Katuma, Uyombeh, and Ugarawah. Usowa is quite an important district on the Tanganika, populous and flourishing. This was the road we had intended to adopt after leaving Imrera, but the reports received at the latter place forbade such a venture. For Mapunda, the Sultan of Usowa, though a great friend to Arab traders, was at war with the colony of the Wazavira, who we must remember were driven from Mpokwa and vicinity in Utanda, and who were said to have settled between Pumburu and Usowa.

It remained for us, like wise, prudent men, having charge of a large and valuable Expedition on our hands, to decide what to do, and what route to adopt, now that we had approached much nearer to Ujiji than we were to Unyanyembe. I suggested that we should make direct for the Tanganika by compass, trusting to no road or guide, but to march direct west until we came to the Tanganika, and then follow the lake shore on foot until we came to Ujiji. For it ever haunted my mind, that, if Dr. Livingstone should hear of my coming, which he might possibly do if I travelled along any known road, he would leave, and that my search for him would consequently be a “stern chase.” But my principal men thought it better that we should now boldly turn our faces north, and march for the Malagarazi, which was said to be a large river flowing from the east to the Tanganika. But none of my men knew the road to the Malagarazi, neither could guides be hired from Sultan Imrera. We were, however, informed that the Malagarazi was but two days’ march from Imrera. I thought it safe, in such a case, to provision my men with three days’ rations. The village of Itaga is situated in a deep mountain hollow, finely overlooking a large extent of cultivation. The people grow sweet potatoes, manioc—out of which tapioca is made—beans, and the holcus. Not one chicken could be purchased for love or money, and, besides grain, only a lean, scraggy specimen of a goat, a long time ago imported form Uvinza, was procurable.

October the 25th will be remembered by me as a day of great troubles; in fact, a series of troubles began from this date. We struck an easterly road in order to obtain a passage to the lofty plateau which bounded the valley of Imrera on the west and on the north. We camped, after a two and a half hours’ march, at its foot. The defile promised a feasible means of ascent to the summit of the plateau, which rose upward in a series of scarps a thousand feet above the valley of Imrera.

While ascending that lofty arc of mountains which bounded westerly and northerly the basin of Imrera, extensive prospects southward and eastward were revealed. The character of the scenery at Ukawendi is always animated and picturesque, but never sublime. The folds of this ridge contained several ruins of bomas, which seemed to have been erected during war time.

The mbemba fruit was plentiful along this march, and every few minutes I could see from the rear one or two men hastening to secure a treasure of it which they discovered on the ground.

A little before reaching the camp I had a shot at a leopard, but failed to bring him down as he bounded away. At night the lions roared as at the Mtambu River.

A lengthy march under the deep twilight shadows of a great forest, which protected us from the hot sunbeams, brought us, on the next day, to a camp newly constructed by a party of Arabs from Ujiji, who had advanced thus far on their road to Unyanyembe, but, alarmed at the reports of the war between Mirambo and the Arabs, had returned. Our route was along the right bank of the Rugufu, a broad sluggish stream, well choked with the matete reeds and the papyrus. The tracks and the bois de vaches of buffaloes were numerous, and there were several indications of rhinoceros being near. In a deep clump of timber near this river we discovered a colony of bearded and leonine-looking monkeys.

As we were about leaving our camp on the morning of the 28th a herd of buffalo walked deliberately into view. Silence was quickly restored, but not before the animals, to their great surprise, had discovered the danger which confronted them. We commenced stalking them, but we soon heard the thundering sound of their gallop, after which it becomes a useless task to follow them, with a long march in a wilderness before one.

The road led on this day over immense sheets of sandstone and iron ore. The water was abominable, and scarce, and famine began to stare us in the face. We travelled for six hours, and had yet seen no sign of cultivation anywhere. According to my map we were yet two long marches from the Malagarazi—if Captain Burton had correctly laid down the position of the river; according to the natives’ account, we should have arrived at the Malagarazi on this day.

On the 29th we left our camp, and after a few minutes, we were in view of the sublimest, but ruggedest, scenes we had yet beheld in Africa. The country was cut up in all directions by deep, wild, and narrow ravines trending in all directions, but generally toward the north-west, while on either side rose enormous square masses of naked rock (sandstone), sometimes towering, and rounded, sometimes pyramidal, sometimes in truncated cones, sometimes in circular ridges, with sharp, rugged, naked backs, with but little vegetation anywhere visible, except it obtained a precarious tenure in the fissured crown of some gigantic hill-top, whither some soil had fallen, or at the base of the reddish ochre scarps which everywhere lifted their fronts to our view.

A long series of descents down rocky gullies, wherein we were environed by threatening masses of disintegrated rock, brought us to a dry, stony ravine, with mountain heights looming above us a thousand feet high. This ravine we followed, winding around in all directions, but which gradually widened, however, into a broad plain, with a western trend. The road, leaving this, struck across a low ridge to the north; and we were in view of deserted settlements where the villages were built on frowning castellated masses of rock. Near an upright mass of rock over seventy feet high, and about fifty yards in diameter, which dwarfed the gigantic sycamore close to it, we made our camp, after five hours and thirty minutes’ continuous and rapid marching.

The people were very hungry; they had eaten every scrap of meat, and every grain they possessed, twenty hours before, and there was no immediate prospect of food. I had but a pound and a half of flour left, and this would not have sufficed to begin to feed a force of over forty-five people; but I had something like thirty pounds of tea, and twenty pounds of sugar left, and I at once, as soon as we arrived at camp, ordered every kettle to be filled and placed on the fire, and then made tea for all; giving each man a quart of a hot, grateful beverage; well sweetened. Parties stole out also into the depths: of the jungle to search for wild fruit, and soon returned laden with baskets of the wood-peach and tamarind fruit, which though it did not satisfy, relieved them. That night, before going to sleep, the Wangwana set up a loud prayer to “Allah” to give them food.

We rose betimes in the morning, determined to travel on until food could be procured, or we dropped down from sheer fatigue and weakness. Rhinoceros’ tracks abounded, and buffalo seemed to be plentiful, but we never beheld a living thing. We crossed scores of short steeps, and descended as often into the depths of dry, stony gullies, and then finally entered a valley, bounded on one side by a triangular mountain with perpendicular sides, and on the other by a bold group, a triplet of hills. While marching down this valley—which soon changed its dry, bleached aspect to a vivid green—we saw a forest in the distance, and shortly found ourselves in corn-fields. Looking keenly around for a village, we descried it on the summit of the lofty triangular hill on our right. A loud exultant shout was raised at the discovery. The men threw down their packs, and began to clamour for food. Volunteers were asked to come forward to take cloth, and scale the heights to obtain it from the village, at any price. While three or four sallied off we rested on the ground, quite worn out. In about an hour the foraging party returned with the glorious tidings that food was plentiful; that the village we saw was called, “Welled Nzogera’s”—the son of Nzogera—by which, of course, we knew that we were in Uvinza, Nzogera being the principal chief in Uvinza. We were further informed that Nzogera, the father, was at war with Lokanda-Mire, about some salt-pans in the valley of the Malagarazi, and that it would be difficult to go to Ujiji by the usual road, owing to this war; but, for a consideration, the son of Nzogera was willing to supply us with guides, who would take us safely, by a northern road, to Ujiji.

Everything auguring well for our prospects, we encamped to enjoy the good cheer, for which our troubles and privations, during the transit of the Ukawendi forests and jungles, had well prepared us.

I am now going to extract from my Diary of the march, as, without its aid, I deem it impossible to relate fully our various experiences, so as to show them properly as they occurred to us; and as these extracts were written and recorded at the close of each day, they possess more interest, in my opinion, than a cold relation of facts, now toned down in memory.

October 31st. Tuesday.—Our road led E.N.E. for a considerable time after leaving the base of the triangular mountain whereon the son of Nzogera has established his stronghold, in order to avoid a deep and impassable portion of marsh, that stood between us and the direct route to the Malagarazi River. The valley sloped rapidly to this marsh, which received in its broad bosom the drainage of three extensive ranges. Soon we turned our faces northwest, and prepared to cross the marsh; and the guides informed us, as we halted on its eastern bank, of a terrible catastrophe which occurred a few yards above where we were preparing to cross. They told of an Arab and his caravan, consisting of thirty-five slaves, who had suddenly sunk out of sight, and who were never more heard of. This marsh, as it appeared to us, presented a breadth of some hundreds of yards, on which grew a close network of grass, with much decayed matter mixed up with it. In the centre of this, and underneath it, ran a broad, deep, and rapid stream. As the guides proceeded across, the men stole after them with cautious footsteps. As they arrived near the centre we began to see this unstable grassy bridge, so curiously provided by nature for us, move up and down in heavy languid undulations, like the swell of the sea after a storm. Where the two asses of the Expedition moved, the grassy waves rose a foot high; but suddenly one unfortunate animal plunged his feet through, and as he was unable to rise, he soon made a deep hollow, which was rapidly filling with water. With the aid of ten men, however, we were enabled to lift him bodily up and land him on a firmer part, and guiding them both across rapidly, the entire caravan crossed without accident.

On arriving at the other side, we struck off to the north, and found ourselves in a delightful country, in every way suitable for agriculturists. Great rocks rose here and there, but in their fissures rose stately trees, under whose umbrage nestled the villages of the people. We found the various village elders greedy for cloth, but the presence of the younger son of Nzogera’s men restrained their propensity for extortion. Goats and sheep were remarkably cheap, and in good condition; and, consequently, to celebrate our arrival near the Malagarazi, a flock of eight goats was slaughtered, and distributed to the men.

November 1st.—Striking north-west, after leaving our camp, and descending the slope of a mountain, we soon beheld the anxiously looked-for Malagarazi, a narrow but deep stream, flowing through a valley pent in by lofty mountains. Fish-eating birds lined the trees on its banks; villages were thickly scattered about. Food was abundant and cheap.

After travelling along the left bank of the river a few miles, we arrived at the settlements recognizing Kiala as their ruler. I had anticipated we should be able at once to cross the river, but difficulties arose. We were told to camp, before any negotiations could be entered into. When we demurred, we were informed we might cross the river if we wished, but we should not be assisted by any Mvinza.

Being compelled to halt for this day, the tent was pitched in the middle of one of the villages, and the bales were stored in one of the huts, with four soldiers to guard them. After despatching an embassy to Kiala, eldest son of the great chief Nzogera, to request permission to cross the river as a peaceable caravan, Kiala sent word that the white man should cross his river after the payment of fifty-six cloths! Fifty-six cloths signified a bale nearly!

Here was another opportunity for diplomacy. Bombay and Asmani were empowered to treat with Kiala about the honga, but it was not to exceed twenty-five doti. At 6 A.M., having spoken for seven hours, the two men returned, with the demand for thirteen doti for Nzogera, and ten doti for Kiala. Poor Bombay was hoarse, but Asmani still smiled; and I relented, congratulating myself that the preposterous demand, which was simply robbery, was no worse.

Three hours later another demand was made. Kiala had been visited by a couple of chiefs from his father; and the chiefs being told that a white man was at the ferry, put in a claim for a couple of guns and a keg of gunpowder. But here my patience was exhausted, and I declared that they should have to take them by force, for I would never consent to be robbed and despoiled after any such fashion.

Until 11 P.M., Bombay and Asmani were negotiating about this extra demand, arguing, quarreling, threatening, until Bombay declared they would talk him mad if it lasted much longer. I told Bombay to take two cloths, one for each chief, and, if they did not consider it enough, then I should fight. The present was taken, and the negotiations were terminated at midnight.

November 2nd.—Ihata Island, one and a half hour west of Kiala’s. We arrived before the Island of Ihata, on the left bank of the Malagarazi, at 5 p.m.; the morning having been wasted in puerile talk with the owner of the canoes at the ferry. The final demand for ferriage across was eight yards of cloth and four fundo* of sami-sami, or red beads; which was at once paid. Four men, with their loads, were permitted to cross in the small, unshapely, and cranky canoes. When the boatmen had discharged their canoes of their passengers and cargoes, they were ordered to halt on the other side, and, to my astonishment, another demand was made. The ferrymen had found that two fundo of these were of short measure, and two fundo more must be paid, otherwise the contract for ferrying us across would be considered null and void. So two fundo more were added, but not without demur and much “talk,” which in these lands is necessary.

** 4 fundo == 40 necklaces; 1 fundo being 10 necklaces.

Three times the canoes went backwards and forwards, when, lo! another demand was made, with the usual clamour and fierce wordy dispute; this time for five khete # for the man who guided us to the ferry, a shukka of cloth for a babbler, who had attached himself to the old-womanish Jumah, who did nothing but babble and increase the clamor. These demands were also settled.

# Necklaces.

About sunset we endeavoured to cross the donkeys. “Simba,” a fine wild Kinyamwezi donkey, went in first, with a rope attached to his neck. He had arrived at the middle of the stream when we saw him begin to struggle—a crocodile had seized him by the throat. The poor animal’s struggles were terrific. Chowpereh was dragging on the rope with all his might, but to no use, for the donkey sank, and we saw no more of him. The depth of the river at this place was about fifteen feet. We had seen the light-brown heads, the glittering eyes, and the ridgy backs, hovering about the vicinity, but we had never thought that the reptiles would advance so near such an exciting scene as the vicinity of the ferry presented during the crossing. Saddened a little by this loss, we resumed our work, and by 7 P.M. we were all across, excepting Bombay and the only donkey now left, which was to be brought across in the morning, when the crocodiles should have deserted the river.

November 3rd.—What contention have we not been a witness to these last three days! What anxiety have we not suffered ever since our arrival in Uvinza! The Wavinza are worse than the Wagogo, and their greed is more insatiable. We got the donkey across with the aid of a mganga, or medicine man, who spat some chewed leaves of a tree which grows close to the stream over him. He informed me he could cross the river at any time, day or night, after rubbing his body with these chewed leaves, which he believed to be a most potent medicine.

About 10 A.M. appeared from the direction of Ujiji a caravan of eighty Waguhha, a tribe which occupies a tract of country on the south-western side of the Lake Tanganika. We asked the news, and were told a white man had just arrived at Ujiji from Manyuema. This news startled us all.

“A white man?” we asked.

“Yes, a white man,” they replied.

“他穿得怎么样？”

“Like the master,” they answered, referring to me.

“Is he young, or old?”

“He is old. He has white hair on his face, and is sick.”

“Where has he come from?”

“From a very far country away beyond Uguhha, called Manyuema.”

“Indeed! and is he stopping at Ujiji now?”

“Yes, we saw him about eight days ago.”

“Do you think he will stop there until we see him?”

“Sigue” (don’t know).

“Was he ever at Ujiji before?”

“Yes, he went away a long time ago.”

Hurrah! This is Livingstone! He must be Livingstone! He can be no other; but still;—he may be some one else—some one from the West Coast—or perhaps he is Baker! No; Baker has no white hair on his face. But we must now march quick, lest he hears we are coming, and runs away.

I addressed my men, and asked them if they were willing to march to Ujiji without a single halt, and then promised them, if they acceded to my wishes, two doti each man. All answered in the affirmative, almost as much rejoiced as I was myself. But I was madly rejoiced; intensely eager to resolve the burning question, “Is it Dr. David Livingstone?” God grant me patience, but I do wish there was a railroad, or, at least, horses in this country.

We set out at once from the banks of the Malagarazi, accompanied by two guides furnished us by Usenge, the old man of the ferry, who, now that we had crossed, showed himself more amiably disposed to us. We arrived at the village of Isinga, Sultan Katalambula, after a little over an hour’s march across a saline plain, but which as we advanced into the interior became fertile and productive.

November 4th.—Started early with great caution, maintaining deep silence. The guides were sent forward, one two hundred yards ahead of the other, that we might be warned in time. The first part of the march was through a thin jungle of dwarf trees, which got thinner and thinner until finally it vanished altogether, and we had entered Uhha—a plain country. Villages were visible by the score among the tall bleached stalks of dourra and maize. Sometimes three, sometimes five, ten, or twenty beehive-shaped huts formed a village. The Wahha were evidently living in perfect security, for not one village amongst them all was surrounded with the customary defence of an African village. A narrow dry ditch formed the only boundary between Uhha and Uvinza. On entering Uhha, all danger from Makumbi vanished.

We halted at Kawanga, the chief of which lost no time in making us understand that he was the great Mutware of Kimenyi under the king, and that he was the tribute gatherer for his Kiha majesty. He declared that he was the only one in Kimenyi—an eastern division of Uhha—who could demand tribute; and that it would be very satisfactory to him, and a saving of trouble to ourselves, if we settled his claim of twelve doti of good cloths at once. We did not think it the best way of proceeding, knowing as we did the character of the native African; so we at once proceeded to diminish this demand; but, after six hours’ hot argument, the Mutware only reduced it by two. This claim was then settled, upon the understanding that we should be allowed to travel through Uhha as far as the Rusugi River without being further mulcted.

November 5th.—Leaving Kawanga early in the morning and continuing our march over the boundless plains, which were bleached white by the hot equatorial sun, we were marching westward full of pleasant anticipations that we were nearing the end of our troubles, joyfully congratulating ourselves that within five days we should see that which I had come so far from civilisation, and through so many difficulties, to see, and were about passing a cluster of villages, with all the confidence which men possess against whom no one had further claim or a word to say, when I noticed two men darting from a group of natives who were watching us, and running towards the head of the Expedition, with the object, evidently, of preventing further progress.

The caravan stopped, and I walked forward to ascertain the cause from the two natives. I was greeted politely by the two Wahha with the usual “Yambos,” and was then asked, “Why does the white man pass by the village of the King of Uhha without salutation and a gift? Does not the white man know there lives a king in Uhha, to whom the Wangwana and Arabs pay something for right of passage?”

“Why, we paid last night to the chief of Kawanga, who informed us that he was the man deputed by the King of Uhha to collect the toll.”

“你付了多少钱？”

“Ten doti of good cloth.”

“你确定？”

“Quite sure. If you ask him, he will tell you so.”

“Well,” said one of the Wahha, a fine, handsome, intelligent-looking youth, “it is our duty to the king to halt you here until we find out the truth of this. Will you walk to our village, and rest yourselves under the shade of our trees until we can send messengers to Kawanga?”

“No; the sun is but an hour high, and we have far to travel; but, in order to show you we do not seek to pass through your country without doing that which is right, we will rest where we now stand, and we will send with your messengers two of our soldiers, who will show you the man to whom we paid the cloth.”

The messengers departed; but, in the meantime, the handsome youth, who turned out to be the nephew of the King, whispered some order to a lad, who immediately hastened away, with the speed of an antelope, to the cluster of villages which we had just passed. The result of this errand, as we saw in a short time, was the approach of a body of warriors, about fifty in number, headed by a tall, fine-looking man, who was dressed in a crimson robe called Joho, two ends of which were tied in a knot over the left shoulder; a new piece of American sheeting was folded like a turban around his head, and a large curved piece of polished ivory was suspended to his neck. He and his people were all armed with spears, and bows and arrows, and their advance was marked with a deliberation that showed they felt confidence in any issue that might transpire.

We were halted on the eastern side of the Pombwe stream, near the village of Lukomo, in Kimenyi, Uhha. The gorgeously-dressed chief was a remarkable man in appearance. His face was oval in form, high cheek-bones, eyes deeply sunk, a prominent and bold forehead, a fine nose, and a well-cut mouth; he was tall in figure, and perfectly symmetrical.

When near to us, he hailed me with the words,

“Yambo, bana?—How do you do, master?” in quite a cordial tone.

I replied cordially also, “Yambo, mutware?—How do you do, chief?”

We, myself and men, interchanged “Yambos” with his warriors; and there was nothing in our first introduction to indicate that the meeting was of a hostile character.

The chief seated himself, his haunches resting on his heels, laying down his bow and arrows by his side; his men did likewise.

I seated myself on a bale, and each of my men sat down on their loads, forming quite a semicircle. The Wahha slightly outnumbered my party; but, while they were only armed with bows and arrows, spears, and knob-sticks, we were armed with rifles, muskets, revolvers, pistols, and hatchets.

All were seated, and deep silence was maintained by the assembly. The great plains around us were as still in this bright noon as if they were deserted of all living creatures. Then the chief spoke:

“I am Mionvu, the great Mutware of Kimenyi, and am next to the King, who lives yonder,” pointing to a large village near some naked hills about ten miles to the north. “I have come to talk with the white man. It has always been the custom of the Arabs and the Wangwana to make a present to the King when they pass through his country. Does not the white man mean to pay the King’s dues? Why does the white man halt in the road? Why will he not enter the village of Lukomo, where there is food and shade—where we can discuss this thing quietly? Does the white man mean to fight? I know well he is stronger than we are. His men have guns, and the Wahha have but bows and arrows, and spears; but Uhha is large, and our villages are many. Let him look about him everywhere—all is Uhha, and our country extends much further than he can see or walk in a day. The King of Uhha is strong; yet he wishes friendship only with the white man. Will the white man have war or peace?”

A deep murmur of assent followed this speech of Mionvu from his people, and disapprobation, blended with a certain uneasiness; from my men. When about replying, the words of General Sherman, which I heard him utter to the chiefs of the Arapahoes and Cheyennes at North Platte, in 1867, came to my mind; and something of their spirit I embodied in my reply to Mionvu, Mutware of Kimenyi.

“Mionvu, the great Mutware, asks me if I have come for war. When did Mionvu ever hear of white men warring against black men? Mionvu must understand that the white men are different from the black. White men do not leave their country to fight the black people, neither do they come here to buy ivory or slaves. They come to make friends with black people; they come to search for rivers; and lakes, and mountains; they come to discover what countries, what peoples, what rivers, what lakes, what forests, what plains, what mountains and hills are in your country; to know the different animals that are in the land of the black people, that, when they go back, they may tell the white kings, and men, and children, what they have seen and heard in the land so far from them. The white people are different from the Arabs and Wangwana; the white people know everything, and are very strong. When they fight, the Arabs and the Wangwana run away. We have great guns which thunder, and when they shoot the earth trembles; we have guns which carry bullets further than you can see: even with these little things” (pointing to my revolvers) “I could kill ten men quicker than you could count. We are stronger than the Wahha. Mionvu has spoken the truth, yet we do not wish to fight. I could kill Mionvu now, yet I talk to him as to a friend. I wish to be a friend to Mionvu, and to all black people. Will Mionvu say what I can do for him?”

As these words were translated to him—imperfectly, I suppose, but still, intelligibly—the face of the Wahha showed how well they appreciated them. Once or twice I thought I detected something like fear, but my assertions that I desired peace and friendship with them soon obliterated all such feelings.

Mionvu replied:

“The white man tells me he is friendly. Why does he not come to our village? Why does he stop on the road? The sun is hot. Mionvu will not speak here any more. If the white man is a friend he will come to the village.”

“We must stop now. It is noon. You have broken our march. We will go and camp in your village,” I said, at the same time rising and pointing to the men to take up their loads.

We were compelled to camp; there was no help for it; the messengers had not returned from Kawanga. Having arrived in his village, Mionvu had cast himself at full length under the scanty shade afforded by a few trees within the boma. About 2 P.M. the messengers returned, saying it was true the chief of Kawanga had taken ten cloths; not, however for the King of Uhha, but for himself!

Mionvu, who evidently was keen-witted, and knew perfectly what he was about, now roused himself, and began to make miniature faggots of thin canes, ten in each faggot, and shortly he presented ten of these small bundles, which together contained one hundred, to me, saying each stick represented a cloth, and the amount of the “honga” required by the King of Uhha was ONE HUNDRED CLOTHS!—nearly two bales!

Recovering from our astonishment, which was almost indescribable, we offered TEN.

“Ten! to the King of Uhha! Impossible. You do not stir from Lukomo until you pay us one hundred!” exclaimed Mionvu, in a significant manner.

I returned no answer, but went to my hut, which Mionvu had cleared for my use, and Bombay, Asmani, Mabruki, and Chowpereh were invited—to come to me for consultation. Upon my asking them if we could not fight our way through Uhha, they became terror-stricken, and Bombay, in imploring accents, asked me to think well what I was about to do, because it was useless to enter on a war with the Wahha. “Uhha is all a plain country; we cannot hide anywhere. Every village will rise all about us, and how can forty-five men fight thousands of people? They would kill us all in a few minutes, and how would you ever reach Ujiji if you died? Think of it, my dear master, and do not throw your life away for a few rags of cloth.”

“Well, but, Bombay, this is robbery. Shall we submit to be robbed? Shall we give this fellow everything he asks? He might as well ask me for all the cloth, and all my guns, without letting him see that we can fight. I can kill Mionvu and his principal men myself, and you can slay all those howlers out there without much trouble. If Mionvu and his principal were dead we should not be troubled much, and we could strike south to the Mala-garazi, and go west to Ujiji.”

“No, no, dear master, don’t think of it for a moment. If we went neat the Malagarazi we should come across Lokanda-Mira.”

“Well, then, we will go north.”

“Up that way Uhha extends far; and beyond Uhha are the Watuta.”

“Well, then, say what we shall do. We must do something; but we must not be robbed.”

“Pay Mionvu what he asks, and let us go away from here. This is the last place we shall have to pay. And in four days we shall be in Ujiji.”

“Did Mionvu tell you that this is the last time we would have to pay?”

“He did, indeed.”

“What do you say, Asmani? Shall we fight or pay?” Asmani’s face wore the usual smile, but he replied,

“I am afraid we must pay. This is positively the last time.”

“And you, Chowpereh?”

“Pay, bana; it is better to get along quietly in this country. If we were strong enough they would pay us. Ah, if we had only two hundred guns, how these Wahha would run!”

“What do you say, Mabruki?”

“Ah, master, dear master; it is very hard, and these people are great robbers. I would like to chop their heads off, all; so I would. But you had better pay. This is the last time; and what are one hundred cloths to you?”

“Well, then, Bombay and Asmani, go to Mionvu, and offer him twenty. If he will not take twenty, give him thirty. If he refuses thirty, give him forty; then go up to eighty, slowly. Make plenty of talk; not one doti more. I swear to you I will shoot Mionvu if he demands more than eighty. Go, and remember to be wise.”

I will cut the matter short. At 9 P.M. sixty-four doti were handed over to Mionvu, for the King of Uhha; six doti for himself, and five doti for his sub; altogether seventy-five doti— a bale and a quarter! No sooner had we paid than they began to fight amongst themselves over the booty, and I was in hopes that the factions would proceed to battle, that I might have good excuse for leaving them, and plunging south to the jungle that I believed existed there, by which means, under its friendly cover, we might strike west. But no, it was only a verbose war, which portended nothing more than a noisy clamor.

November 6th.—At dawn we were on the road, very silent and sad. Our stock of cloth was much diminished; we had nine bales left, sufficient to have taken us to the Atlantic Ocean—aided by the beads, which were yet untouched—if we practised economy. If I met many more like Mionvu I had not enough to take me to Ujiji, and, though we were said to be so near, Livingstone seemed to me to be just as far as ever.

We crossed the Pombwe, and then struck across a slowly-undulating plain rising gradually to mountains on our right, and on our left sinking towards the valley of the Malagarazi, which river was about twenty miles away. Villages rose to our view everywhere. Food was cheap, milk was plentiful, and the butter good.

After a four hours’ march, we crossed the Kanengi River, and entered the boma of Kahirigi, inhabited by several Watusi and Wahha. Here, we were told, lived the King of Uhha’s brother. This announcement was anything but welcome, and I began to suspect I had fallen into another hornets’ nest. We had not rested two hours before two Wangwana entered my tent, who were slaves of Thani bin Abdullah, our dandified friend of Unyanyembe. These men came, on the part of the king’s brother, to claim the HONGA! The king’s brother, demanded thirty doti! Half a bale! Merciful Providence! What shall I do?

We had been told by Mionvu that the honga of Uhha was settled—and now here is another demand from the King’s brother! It is the second time the lie has been told, and we have twice been deceived. We shall be deceived no more.

These two men informed us there were five more chiefs, living but two hours from each other, who would exact tribute, or black-mail, like those we had seen. Knowing this much, I felt a certain calm. It was far better to know the worst at once. Five more chiefs with their demands would assuredly ruin us. In view of which, what is to be done? How am I to reach Livingstone, without being beggared?

Dismissing the men, I called Bombay, and told him to assist Asmani in settling the honga—”as cheaply as possible.” I then lit my pipe, put on the cap of consideration, and began to think. Within half an hour, I had made a plan, which was to be attempted to be put in execution that very night.

I summoned the two slaves of Thani bin Abdullah, after the honga had been settled to everybody’s satisfaction—though the profoundest casuistries and diplomatic arguments failed to reduce it lower than twenty-six doti—and began asking them about the possibility of evading the tribute-taking Wahha ahead.

This rather astonished them at first, and they declared it to be impossible; but, finally, after being pressed, they replied, that one of their number should guide us at midnight, or a little after, into the jungle which grew on the frontiers of Uhha and Uvinza. By keeping a direct west course through this jungle until we came to Ukaranga we might be enabled—we were told—to travel through Uhha without further trouble. If I were willing to pay the guide twelve doti, and if I were able to impose silence on my people while passing through the sleeping village, the guide was positive I could reach Ujiji without paying another doti. It is needless to add, that I accepted the proffered assistance at such a price with joy.

But there was much to be done. Provisions were to be purchased, sufficient to last four days, for the tramp through the jungle, and men were at once sent with cloth to purchase grain at any price. Fortune favoured us, for before 8 P.M. we had enough for six days.

November 7th.—I did not go to sleep at all last night, but a little after midnight, as the moon was beginning to show itself, by gangs of four, the men stole quietly out of the village; and by 3 A.M. the entire Expedition was outside the boma, and not the slightest alarm had been made. After a signal to the new guide, the Expedition began to move in a southern direction along the right bank of the Kanengi River. After an hour’s march in this direction, we struck west, across the grassy plain, and maintained it, despite the obstacles we encountered, which were sore enough to naked men. The bright moon lighted our path: dark clouds now and then cast immense long shadows over the deserted and silent plains, and the moonbeans were almost obscured, and at such times our position seemed awful—

Till the moon. Rising in clouded majesty, at length, Apparent queen, unveiled her peerless light, And o’er the dark her silver mantle threw.

Bravely toiled the men, without murmur, though their legs were bleeding from the cruel grass. “Ambrosial morn” at last appeared, with all its beautiful and lovely features. Heaven was born anew to us, with comforting omens and cheery promise. The men, though fatigued at the unusual travel, sped forward with quicker, pace as daylight broke, until, at 8 A.M., we sighted the swift Rusugi River, when a halt was ordered in a clump of jungle near it, for breakfast and rest. Both banks of the river were alive with buffalo, eland, and antelope, but, though the sight was very tempting, we did not fire, because we dared not. The report of a gun would have alarmed the whole country. I preferred my coffee, and the contentment which my mind experienced at our success.

An hour after we had rested, some natives, carrying salt from the Malagarazi, were seen coming up the right bank of the river. When abreast of our hiding-place, they detected us, and dropping their salt-bags, they took to their heels at once, shouting out as they ran, to alarm some villages that appeared about four miles north of us. The men were immediately ordered to take up their loads, and in a few minutes we had crossed the Rusugi, and were making direct for a bamboo jungle that appeared in our front. On, on, we kept steadily until, at 1 P.M., we sighted the little lake of Musunya, as wearied as possible with our nine hours march.

Lake Musunya is one of the many circular basins found in this part of Uhha. There was quite a group of them. The more correct term of these lakes would be immense pools. In the Masika season, Lake Musunya must extend to three or four miles in length by two in breadth. It swarms with hippopotami, and its shores abound with noble game.

We were very quiet, as may be imagined, in our bivouac; neither tent nor hut was raised, nor was fire kindled, so that, in case of pursuit, we could move off without delay. I kept my Winchester rifle (the gift of my friend Mr. Morris, and a rare gift it was for such a crisis) with its magazine full, and two hundred cartridges in a bag slung over my shoulders. Each soldier’s gun was also ready and loaded, and we retired to sleep our fatigues off with a feeling of perfect security.

November 8th.—Long before dawn appeared, we were on the march, and, as daylight broke, we emerged from the bamboo jungle, and struck across the naked plain of Uhha, once more passing several large pools by the way—far-embracing prospects of undulating country, with here and there a characteristic clump of trees relieving the general nudity of the whole. Hour after hour we toiled on, across the rolling land waves, the sun shining with all its wonted African fervor, but with its heat slightly tempered by the welcome breezes, which came laden with the fragrance of young grass, and perfume of strange flowers of various hues, that flecked the otherwise pale-green sheet which extended so far around us.

We arrived at the Rugufu River—not the Ukawendi Rugufu, but the northern stream of that name, a tributary of the Malagarazi. It was a broad shallow stream, and sluggish, with an almost imperceptible flow south-west. While we halted in the deep shade afforded by a dense clump of jungle, close to the right bank, resting awhile before continuing our journey. I distinctly heard a sound as of distant thunder in the west. Upon asking if it were thunder, I was told it was Kabogo.

“Kabogo? what is that?”

“It is a great mountain on the other side of the Tanganika, full of deep holes, into which the water rolls; and when there is wind on the Tanganika, there is a sound like mvuha (thunder). Many boats have been lost there, and it is a custom with Arabs and natives to throw cloth—Merikani and Kaniki—and especially white (Merikani) beads, to appease the mulungu (god) of the lake. Those who throw beads generally get past without trouble, but those who do not throw beads into the lake get lost, and are drowned. Oh, it is a dreadful place!” This story was told me by the ever-smiling guide Asmani, and was corroborated by other former mariners of the lake whom I had with me.

At the least, this place where we halted for dinner, on the banks of the Rugufu River, is eighteen and a half hours, or forty-six miles, from Ujiji; and, as Kabogo is said to be near Uguhha, it must be over sixty miles from Ujiji; therefore the sound of the thundering surf, which is said to roll into the caves of Kabogo, was heard by us at a distance of over one hundred miles away from them.

Continuing our journey for three hours longer, through thin forests, over extensive beds of primitive rock, among fields of large boulders thickly strewn about, passing by numerous herds of buffalo, giraffe, and zebra, over a quaking quagmire which resembled peat, we arrived at the small stream of Sunuzzi, to a camping place only a mile removed from a large settlement of Wahha. But we were buried in the depths of a great forest—no road was in the vicinity, no noise was made, deep silence was preserved; nor were fires lit. We might therefore rest tranquilly secure, certain that we should not be disturbed. To-morrow morning the kirangozi has promised we shall be out of Uhha, and if we travel on to Niamtaga, in Ukaranga, the same day, the next day would see us in Ujiji.

Patience, my soul! A few hours more, then the end of all this will be known! I shall be face to face with that “white man with the white hairs on his face, whoever he is!”

November 9th.—Two hours before dawn we left our camp on the Sunuzzi River, and struck through the forest in a north-by-west direction, having muzzled our goats previously, lest, by their bleating, they might betray us. This was a mistake which might have ended tragically, for just as the eastern sky began to assume a pale greyish tint, we emerged from the jungle on the high road. The guide thought we had passed Uhha, and set up a shout which was echoed by every member of the caravan, and marched onward with new vigor and increased energy, when plump we came to the outskirts of a village, the inhabitants of which were beginning to stir. Silence was called for at once, and the Expedition halted immediately. I walked forward to the front to advise with the guide. He did not know what to do. There was no time to consider, so I ordered the goats to be slaughtered and left on the road, and the guide to push on boldly through the village. The chickens also had their throats cut; after which the Expedition resumed the march quickly and silently, led by the guide, who had orders to plunge into the jungle south of the road. I stayed until the last man had disappeared; then, after preparing my Winchester, brought up the rear, followed by my gunbearers with their stock of ammunition. As we were about disappearing beyond the last hut, a man darted out of his hut, and uttered an exclamation of alarm, and loud voices were heard as if in dispute. But in a short time we were in the depths of the jungle, hurrying away from the road in a southern direction, and edging slightly westward. Once I thought we were pursued, and I halted behind a tree to check our foes if they persisted in following us; but a few minutes proved to me that we were not pursued, After half-an-hour’s march we again turned our faces westward. It was broad daylight now, and our eyes were delighted with most picturesque and sequestered little valleys, where wild fruit-trees grew, and rare flowers blossomed, and tiny brooks tumbled over polished pebbles—where all was bright and beautiful—until, finally, wading through one pretty pure streamlet, whose soft murmurs we took for a gentle welcome, we passed the boundary of wicked Uhha, and had entered Ukaranga!— an event that was hailed with extravagant shouts of joy.

Presently we found the smooth road, and we trod gaily with elastic steps, with limbs quickened for the march which we all knew to be drawing near its end. What cared we now for the difficulties we had encountered—for the rough and cruel forests, for the thorny thickets and hurtful grass, for the jangle of all savagedom, of which we had been the joyless audience! To-morrow! Ay, the great day draws nigh, and we may well laugh and sing while in this triumphant mood. We have been sorely tried; we have been angry with each other when vexed by troubles, but we forget all these now, and there is no face but is radiant with the happiness we have all deserved.

We made a short halt at noon, for rest and refreshment. I was shown the hills from which the Tanganika could be seen, which bounded the valley of the Liuche on the east. I could not contain myself at the sight of them. Even with this short halt I was restless and unsatisfied. We resumed the march again. I spurred my men forward with the promise that to-morrow should see their reward.

We were in sight of the villages of the Wakaranga; the people caught sight of us, and manifested considerable excitement. I sent men ahead to reassure them, and they came forward to greet us. This was so new and welcome to us, so different from the turbulent Wavinza and the black-mailers of Uhha, that we were melted. But we had no time to loiter by the way to indulge our joy. I was impelled onward by my almost uncontrollable feelings. I wished to resolve my doubts and fears. Was HE still there? Had HE heard of my coming? Would HE fly?

How beautiful Ukaranga appears! The green hills are crowned by clusters of straw-thatched cones. The hills rise and fall; here denuded and cultivated, there in pasturage, here timbered, yonder swarming with huts. The country has somewhat the aspect of Maryland.

We cross the Mkuti, a glorious little river! We ascend the opposite bank, and stride through the forest like men who have done a deed of which they may be proud. We have already travelled nine hours, and the sun is sinking rapidly towards the west; yet, apparently, we are not fatigued.

We reach the outskirts of Niamtaga, and we hear drums beat. The people are flying into the woods; they desert their villages, for they take us to be Ruga-Ruga—the forest thieves of Mirambo, who, after conquering the Arabs of Unyanyembe, are coming to fight the Arabs of Ujiji. Even the King flies from his village, and every man, woman, and child, terror-stricken, follows him. We enter into it and quietly take possession. Finally, the word is bruited about that we are Wangwana, from Unyanyembe.

“Well, then, is Mirambo dead?” they ask.

“No,” we answer.

“Well, how did you come to Ukaranga?”

“By way of Ukonongo, Ukawendi, and Uhha.”

“Oh—hi-le!” Then they laugh heartily at their fright, and begin to make excuses. The King is introduced to me, and he says he had only gone to the woods in order to attack us again—he meant to have come back and killed us all, if we had been Ruga-Ruga. But then we know the poor King was terribly frightened, and would never have dared to return, had we been RugaRuga—not he. We are not, however, in a mood to quarrel with him about an idiomatic phrase peculiar to him, but rather take him by the hand and shake it well, and say we are so very glad to see him. And he shares in our pleasure, and immediately three of the fattest sheep, pots of beer, flour, and honey are brought to us as a gift, and I make him happier still with two of the finest cloths I have in my bales; and thus a friendly pact is entered into between us.

While I write my Diary of this day’s proceedings, I tell my servant to lay out my new flannel suit, to oil my boots, to chalk my helmet, and fold a new puggaree around it, that I may make as presentable an appearance as possible before the white man with the grey beard, and before the Arabs of Ujiji; for the clothes I have worn through jungle and forest are in tatters. Good-night; only let one day come again, and we shall see what we shall see.

November 10th. Friday.—The 236th day from Bagamoyo on the Sea, and the 51st day from Unyanyembe. General direction to Ujiji, west-by-south. Time of march, six hours.

It is a happy, glorious morning. The air is fresh and cool. The sky lovingly smiles on the earth and her children. The deep woods are crowned in bright vernal leafage; the water of the Mkuti, rushing under the emerald shade afforded by the bearded banks, seems to challenge us for the race to Ujiji, with its continuous brawl.

We are all outside the village cane fence, every man of us looking as spruce, as neat, and happy as when we embarked on the dhows at Zanzibar, which seems to us to have been ages ago—we have witnessed and experienced so much.

“向前！”

“Ay Wallah, ay Wallah, bana yango!” and the lighthearted braves stride away at a rate which must soon bring us within view of Ujiji. We ascend a hill overgrown with bamboo, descend into a ravine through which dashes an impetuous little torrent, ascend another short hill, then, along a smooth footpath running across the slope of a long ridge, we push on as only eager, lighthearted men can do.

In two hours I am warned to prepare for a view of the Tanganika, for, from the top of a steep mountain the kirangozi says I can see it. I almost vent the feeling of my heart in cries. But wait, we must behold it first. And we press forward and up the hill breathlessly, lest the grand scene hasten away. We are at last on the summit. Ah! not yet can it be seen. A little further on—just yonder, oh! there it is—a silvery gleam. I merely catch sight of it between the trees, and—but here it is at last! True—THE TANGANIKA! and there are the blue-black mountains of Ugoma and Ukaramba. An immense broad sheet, a burnished bed of silver—lucid canopy of blue above—lofty mountains are its valances, palm forests form its fringes! The Tanganika!—Hurrah! and the men respond to the exultant cry of the Anglo-Saxon with the lungs of Stentors, and the great forests and the hills seem to share in our triumph.

“Was this the place where Burton and Speke stood, Bombay, when they saw the lake first?”

“I don’t remember, master; it was somewhere about here, I think.”

“Poor fellows! The one was half-paralyzed, the other half-blind,” said Sir Roderick Murchison, when he described Burton and Spoke’s arrival in view of the Tanganika.

And I? Well, I am so happy that, were I quite paralyzed and blinded, I think that at this supreme moment I could take up my bed and walk, and all blindness would cease at once. Fortunately, however, I am quite well; I have not suffered a day’s sickness since the day I left Unyanyembe. How much would Shaw be willing to give to be in my place now? Who is happiest—he revelling in the luxuries of Unyanyembe, or I, standing on the summit of this mountain, looking down with glad eyes and proud heart on the Tanganika?

We are descending the western slope of the mountain, with the valley of the Liuche before us. Something like an hour before noon we have gained the thick matete brake, which grows on both banks of the river; we wade through the clear stream, arrive on the other side, emerge out of the brake, and the gardens of the Wajiji are around us—a perfect marvel of vegetable wealth. Details escape my hasty and partial observation. I am almost overpowered with my own emotions. I notice the graceful palms, neat plots, green with vegetable plants, and small villages surrounded with frail fences of the matete-cane.

We push on rapidly, lest the news of our coming might reach the people of Ujiji before we come in sight, and are ready for them. We halt at a little brook, then ascend the long slope of a naked ridge, the very last of the myriads we have crossed. This alone prevents us from seeing the lake in all its vastness. We arrive at the summit, travel across and arrive at its western rim, and— pause, reader—the port of Ujiji is below us, embowered in the palms, only five hundred yards from us!

At this grand moment we do not think of the hundreds of miles we have marched, or of the hundreds of hills that we have ascended and descended, or of the many forests we have traversed, or of the jungles and thickets that annoyed us, or of the fervid salt plains that blistered our feet, or of the hot suns that scorched us, nor of the dangers and difficulties, now happily surmounted!

At last the sublime hour has arrived;—our dreams, our hopes, and anticipations are now about to be realised! Our hearts and our feelings are with our eyes, as we peer into the palms and try to make out in which hut or house lives the “white man with the grey beard” we heard about when we were at the Malagarazi.

“Unfurl the flags, and load your guns!”

“We will, master, we will, master!” respond the men eagerly.

“One, two, three,—fire!”

A volley from nearly fifty guns roars like a salute from a battery of artillery: we shall note its effect presently on the peaceful-looking village below.

“Now, kirangozi, hold the white man’s flag up high, and let the Zanzibar flag bring up the rear. And you men keep close together, and keep firing until we halt in the market-place, or before the white man’s house. You have said to me often that you could smell the fish of the Tanganika—I can smell the fish of the Tanganika now. There are fish, and beer, and a long rest waiting for you. MARCH!”

Before we had gone a hundred yards our repeated volleys had the effect desired. We had awakened Ujiji to the knowledge that a caravan was coming, and the people were witnessed rushing up in hundreds to meet us. The mere sight of the flags informed every one immediately that we were a caravan, but the American flag borne aloft by gigantic Asmani, whose face was one vast smile on this day, rather staggered them at first. However, many of the people who now approached us, remembered the flag. They had seen it float above the American Consulate, and from the mast-head of many a ship in the harbor of Zanzibar, and they were soon heard welcoming the beautiful flag with cries of “Bindera Kisungu!”—a white man’s flag! “Bindera Merikani!”—the American flag!

Then we were surrounded by them: by Wajiji, Wanyamwezi, Wangwana, Warundi, Waguhha, Wamanyuema, and Arabs, and were almost deafened with the shouts of “Yambo, yambo, bana! Yambo, bana! Yambo, bana!” To all and each of my men the welcome was given.

We were now about three hundred yards from the village of Ujiji, and the crowds are dense about me. Suddenly I hear a voice on my right say,

“Good morning, sir!”

Startled at hearing this greeting in the midst of such a crowd of black people, I turn sharply around in search of the man, and see him at my side, with the blackest of faces, but animated and joyous—a man dressed in a long white shirt, with a turban of American sheeting around his woolly head, and I ask:

“Who the mischief are you?”

“I am Susi, the servant of Dr. Livingstone,” said be, smiling, and showing a gleaming row of teeth.

“What! Is Dr. Livingstone here?”

“是的先生。”

“In this village?”

“是的先生。”

“你确定？”

“Sure, sure, sir. Why, I leave him just now.”

“Good morning, sir,” said another voice.

“Hallo,” said I, “is this another one?”

“是的先生。”

“嗯，你叫什么名字？”

“My name is Chumah, sir.”

“What! are you Chumah, the friend of Wekotani?”

“是的先生。”

“And is the-Doctor well?”

“Not very well, sir.”

“Where has he been so long?”

“In Manyuema.”

“Now, you Susi, run, and tell the Doctor I am coming.”

“Yes, sir,” and off he darted like a madman.

But by this time we were within two hundred yards of the village, and the multitude was getting denser, and almost preventing our march. Flags and streamers were out; Arabs and Wangwana were pushing their way through the natives in order to greet us, for according to their account, we belonged to them. But the great wonder of all was, “How did you come from Unyanyembe?”

Soon Susi came running back, and asked me my name; he had told the Doctor I was coming, but the Doctor was too surprised to believe him, and when the Doctor asked him my name, Susi was rather staggered.

But, during Susi’s absence, the news had been conveyed to the Doctor that it was surely a white man that was coming, whose guns were firing, and whose flag could be seen; and the great Arab magnates of Ujiji—Mohammed bin Sali, Sayd bin Majid, Abid bin Suliman, Mohammed bin Gharib, and others—had gathered together before the Doctor’s house, and the Doctor had come out from his veranda to discuss the matter and await my arrival.

In the meantime, the head of the Expedition had halted, and the kirangozi was out of the ranks, holding his flag aloft, and Selim said to me, “I see the Doctor, sir. Oh, what an old man! He has got a white beard.” And I—what would I not have given for a bit of friendly wilderness, where, unseen, I might vent my joy in some mad freak, such as idiotically biting my hand; turning a somersault, or slashing at trees, in order to allay those exciting feelings that were well-nigh uncontrollable. My heart beats fast, but I must not let my face betray my emotions, lest it shall detract from the dignity of a white man appearing under such extraordinary circumstances.

So I did that which I thought was most dignified. I pushed back the crowds, and, passing from the rear, walked down a living avenue of people, until I came in front of the semicircle of Arabs, before which stood the “white man with the grey beard.”

As I advanced slowly towards him I noticed he was pale, that he looked wearied and wan, that he had grey whiskers and moustache, that he wore a bluish cloth cap with a faded gold band on a red ground round it, and that he had on a red-sleeved waistcoat, and a pair of grey tweed trousers.

I would have run to him, only I was a coward in the presence of such a mob—would have embraced him, but that I did not know how he would receive me; so I did what moral cowardice and false pride suggested was the best thing—walked deliberately to him, took off my hat, and said:

“DR. LIVINGSTONE, I PRESUME?”

“Yes,” said he, with a kind, cordial smile, lifting his cap slightly.

I replaced my hat on my head, and he replaced his cap, and we both grasped hands. I then said aloud:

“I thank God, Doctor, I have been permitted to see you.”

He answered, “I feel thankful that I am here to welcome you.”

I turned to the Arabs, took off my hat to them in response to the saluting chorus of “Yambos” I received, and the Doctor introduced them to me by name. Then, oblivious of the crowds, oblivious of the men who shared with me my dangers, we—Livingstone and I— turned our faces towards his house. He pointed to the veranda, or rather, mud platform, under the broad overhanging eaves; he pointed to his own particular seat, which I saw his age and experience in Africa had suggested, namely, a straw mat, with a goatskin over it, and another skin nailed against the wall to protect his back from contact with the cold mud. I protested against taking this seat, which so much more befitted him than I, but the Doctor would not yield: I must take it.

We were seated—the Doctor and I—with our backs to the wall. The Arabs took seats on our left. More than a thousand natives were in our front, filling the whole square densely, indulging their curiosity, and discussing the fact of two white men meeting at Ujiji—one just come from Manyuema, in the west, the other from Unyanyembe, in the east.

Conversation began. What about? I declare I have forgotten. Oh! we mutually asked questions of one another, such as “How did you come here?” and “Where have you been all this long time?—the world has believed you to be dead.” Yes, that was the way it began: but whatever the Doctor informed me, and that which I communicated to him, I cannot correctly report, for I found myself gazing at him, conning the wonderful figure and face of the man at whose side I now sat in Central Africa. Every hair of his head and beard, every wrinkle of his face, the wanness of his features, and the slightly wearied look he wore, were all imparting intelligence to me—the knowledge I craved for so much ever since I heard the words, “Take what you want, but find Livingstone.” What I saw was deeply interesting intelligence to me, and unvarnished truth. I was listening and reading at the same time. What did these dumb witnesses relate to me?

Oh, reader, had you been at my side on this day in Ujiji, how eloquently could be told the nature of this man’s work! Had you been there but to see and hear! His lips gave me the details; lips that never lie. I cannot repeat what he said; I was too much engrossed to take my note-book out, and begin to stenograph his story. He had so much to say that he began at the end, seemingly oblivious of the fact that five or six years had to be accounted for. But his account was oozing out; it was growing fast into grand proportions— into a most marvellous history of deeds.

The Arabs rose up, with a delicacy I approved, as if they intuitively knew that we ought to be left to ourselves. I sent Bombay with them to give them the news they also wanted so much to know about the affairs at Unyanyembe. Sayd bin Majid was the father of the gallant young man whom I saw at Masangi, and who fought with me at Zimbizo, and who soon afterwards was killed by Mirambo’s Ruga-Ruga in the forest of Wilyankuru; and, knowing that I had been there, he earnestly desired to hear the tale of the fight; but they had all friends at Unyanyembe, and it was but natural that they should be anxious to hear of what concerned them.

After giving orders to Bombay and Asmani for the provisioning of the men of the Expedition, I called “Kaif-Halek,” or “How-do-ye-do,” and introduced him to Dr. Livingstone as one of the soldiers in charge of certain goods left at Unyanyembe, whom I had compelled to accompany me to Ujiji, that he might deliver in person to his master the letter-bag with which he had been entrusted. This was that famous letter-bag marked “Nov. 1st, 1870,” which was now delivered into the Doctor’s hands 365 days after it left Zanzibar! How long, I wonder, had it remained at Unyanyembe had I not been despatched into Central Africa in search of the great traveller?

The Doctor kept the letter-bag on his knee, then, presently, opened it, looked at the letters contained there, and read one or two of his children’s letters, his face in the meanwhile lighting up.

He asked me to tell him the news. “No, Doctor,” said I, “read your letters first, which I am sure you must be impatient to read.”

“Ah,” said he, “I have waited years for letters, and I have been taught patience. I can surely afford to wait a few hours longer. No, tell me the general news: how is the world getting along?

“You probably know much already. Do you know that the Suez Canal is a fact—is opened, and a regular trade carried on between Europe and India through it?”

“I did not hear about the opening of it. Well, that is grand news! What else?”

Shortly I found myself enacting the part of an annual periodical to him. There was no need of exaggeration of any penny-a-line news, or of any sensationalism. The world had witnessed and experienced much the last few years. The Pacific Railroad had been completed (1869); Grant had been elected President of the United States; Egypt had been flooded with savans: the Cretan rebellion had terminated (1866-1868); a Spanish revolution had driven Isabella from the throne of Spain, and a Regent had been appointed: General Prim was assassinated; a Castelar had electrified Europe with his advanced ideas upon the liberty of worship; Prussia had humbled Denmark, and annexed Schleswig-Holstein (1864), and her armies were now around Paris; the “Man of Destiny” was a prisoner at Wilhelmshohe; the Queen of Fashion and the Empress of the French was a fugitive; and the child born in the purple had lost for ever the Imperial crown intended for his head; the Napoleon dynasty was extinguished by the Prussians, Bismarck and Von Moltke; and France, the proud empire, was humbled to the dust.

What could a man have exaggerated of these facts? What a budget of news it was to one who had emerged from the depths of the primeval forests of Manyuema! The reflection of the dazzling light of civilisation was cast on him while Livingstone was thus listening in wonder to one of the most exciting pages of history ever repeated. How the puny deeds of barbarism paled before these! Who could tell under what new phases of uneasy life Europe was labouring even then, while we, two of her lonely children, rehearsed the tale of her late woes and glories? More worthily, perhaps, had the tongue of a lyric Demodocus recounted them; but, in the absence of the poet, the newspaper correspondent performed his part as well and truthfully as he could.

Not long after the Arabs had departed, a dishful of hot hashed-meat cakes was sent to us by Sayd bin Majid, and a curried chicken was received from Mohammed bin Sali, and Moeni Kheri sent a dishful of stewed goat-meat and rice; and thus presents of food came in succession, and as fast as they were brought we set to. I had a healthy, stubborn digestion—the exercise I had taken had put it in prime order; but Livingstone—he had been complaining that he had no appetite, that his stomach refused everything but a cup of tea now and then—he ate also—ate like a vigorous, hungry man; and, as he vied with me in demolishing the pancakes, he kept repeating, “You have brought me new life. You have brought me new life.”

“Oh, by George!” I said, “I have forgotten something. Hasten, Selim, and bring that bottle; you know which and bring me the silver goblets. I brought this bottle on purpose for this event, which I hoped would come to pass, though often it seemed useless to expect it.”

Selim knew where the bottle was, and he soon returned with it—a bottle of Sillery champagne; and, handing the Doctor a silver goblet brimful of the exhilarating wine, and pouring a small quantity into my own, I said,

“Dr. Livingstone, to your very good health, sir.”

“And to yours!” he responded, smilingly.

And the champagne I had treasured for this happy meeting was drunk with hearty good wishes to each other.

But we kept on talking and talking, and prepared food was being brought to us all that afternoon; and we kept on eating each time it was brought, until I had eaten even to repletion, and the Doctor was obliged to confess that he had eaten enough. Still, Halimah, the female cook of the Doctor’s establishment, was in a state of the greatest excitement. She had been protruding her head out of the cookhouse to make sure that there were really two white men sitting down in the veranda, when there used to be only one, who would not, because he could not, eat anything; and she had been considerably exercised in her mind about this fact. She was afraid the Doctor did not properly appreciate her culinary abilities; but now she was amazed at the extraordinary quantity of food eaten, and she was in a state of delightful excitement. We could hear her tongue rolling off a tremendous volume of clatter to the wondering crowds who halted before the kitchen to hear the current of news with which she edified them. Poor, faithful soul! While we listened to the noise of her furious gossip, the Doctor related her faithful services, and the terrible anxiety she evinced when the guns first announced the arrival of another white man in Ujiji; how she had been flying about in a state cf the utmost excitement, from the kitchen into his presence, and out again into the square, asking all sorts of questions; how she was in despair at the scantiness of the general larder and treasury of the strange household; how she was anxious to make up for their poverty by a grand appearance— to make up a sort of Barmecide feast to welcome the white man. “Why,” said she, “is he not one of us? Does he not bring plenty of cloth and beads? Talk about the Arabs! Who are they that they should be compared to white men? Arabs, indeed!”

The Doctor and I conversed upon many things, especially upon his own immediate troubles, and his disappointments, upon his arrival in Ujiji, when told that all his goods had been sold, and he was reduced to poverty. He had but twenty cloths or so left of the stock he had deposited with the man called Sherif, the half-caste drunken tailor, who was sent by the Consul in charge of the goods. Besides which he had been suffering from an attack of dysentery, and his condition was most deplorable. He was but little improved on this day, though he had eaten well, and already began to feel stronger and better.

This day, like all others, though big with happiness to me, at last was fading away. While sitting with our faces looking to the east, as Livingstone had been sitting for days preceding my arrival, we noted the dark shadows which crept up above the grove of palms beyond the village, and above the rampart of mountains which we had crossed that day, now looming through the fast approaching darkness; and we listened, with our hearts full of gratitude to the Great Giver of Good and Dispenser of all Happiness, to the sonorous thunder of the surf of the Tanganika, and to the chorus which the night insects sang. Hours passed, and we were still sitting there with our minds busy upon the day’s remarkable events, when I remembered that the traveller had not yet read his letters.

“Doctor,” I said, “you had better read your letters. I will not keep you up any longer.”

“Yes,” he answered, “it is getting late; and I will go and read my friends’ letters. Good-night, and God bless you.”

“Good-night, my dear Doctor; and let me hope that your news will be such as you desire.”

I have now related, by means of my Diary, “How I found Livingstone,” as recorded on the evening of that great day. I have been averse to reduce it by process of excision and suppression, into a mere cold narrative, because, by so doing, I would be unable to record what feelings swayed each member of the Expedition as well as myself during the days preceding the discovery of the lost traveller, and more especially the day it was the good fortune of both Livingstone and myself to clasp each other’s hands in the strong friendship which was born in that hour we thus strangely met. The aged traveller, though cruelly belied, contrary to all previous expectation, received me as a friend; and the cordial warmth with which he accepted my greeting; the courtesy with which he tendered to me a shelter in his own house; the simple candour of his conversation; graced by unusual modesty of manner, and meekness of spirit, wrought in me such a violent reaction in his favor, that when the parting “good-night” was uttered, I felt a momentary vague fear lest the fulness of joy which I experienced that evening would be diminished by some envious fate, before the morrow’s sun should rise above Ujiji.

“If there is love between us, inconceivably delicious, and profitable will our intercourse be; if not, your time is lost, and you will only annoy me. I shall seem to you stupid, and the reputation I have false. All my good is magnetic, and I educate not by lessons, but by going about my business.”—Emerson’s ‘Representative Men’.

I woke up early next morning with a sudden start. The room was strange! It was a house, and not my tent! Ah, yes! I recollected I had discovered Livingstone, and I was in his house. I listened, that the knowledge dawning on me might be confirmed by the sound of his voice. I heard nothing but the sullen roar of the surf.

I lay quietly in bed. Bed! Yes, it was a primitive four-poster, with the leaves of the palm-tree spread upon it instead of down, and horsehair and my bearskin spread over this serving me in place of linen. I began to put myself under rigid mental cross-examination, and to an analyzation of my position.

“What was I sent for?”

“To find Livingstone.”

“Have you found him?”

“Yes, of course; am I not in his house? Whose compass is that hanging on a peg there? Whose clothes, whose boots, are those? Who reads those newspapers, those ‘Saturday Reviews’ and numbers of ‘Punch’ lying on the floor?”

“嗯，你现在打算怎么办？”

“I shall tell him this morning who sent me, and what brought me here. I will then ask him to write a letter to Mr. Bennett, and to give what news he can spare. I did not come here to rob him of his news. Sufficient for me is it that I have found him. It is a complete success so far. But it will be a greater one if he gives me letters for Mr. Bennett, and an acknowledgment that he has seen me.”

“Do you think he will do so?”

“Why not? I have come here to do him a service. He has no goods. I have. He has no men with him. I have. If I do a friendly part by him, will he not do a friendly part by me? What says the poet?—

Nor hope to find
A friend, but who has found a friend in thee.
All like the purchase; few the price will pay
And this makes friends such wonders here below.

I have paid the purchase, by coming so far to do him a service. But I think, from what I have seen of him last night, that he is not such a niggard and misanthrope as I was led to believe. He exhibited considerable emotion, despite the monosyllabic greeting, when he shook my hand. If he were a man to feel annoyance at any person coming after him, he would not have received me as he did, nor would he ask me to live with him, but he would have surlily refused to see me, and told me to mind my own business. Neither does he mind my nationality; for ‘here,’ said he, ‘Americans and Englishmen are the same people. We speak the same language and have the same ideas.’ Just so, Doctor; I agree with you. Here at least, Americans and Englishmen shall be brothers, and, whatever I can do for you, you may command me freely.”

I dressed myself quietly, intending to take a stroll along the Tanganika before the Doctor should rise; opened the door, which creaked horribly on its hinges, and walked out to the veranda.

“Halloa, Doctor!—you up already? I hope you have slept well?”

“Good-morning, Mr. Stanley! I am glad to see you. I hope you rested well. I sat up late reading my letters. You have brought me good and bad news. But sit down.” He made a place for me by his side. “Yes, many of my friends are dead. My eldest son has met with a sad accident—that is, my boy Tom; my second son, Oswell, is at college studying medicine, and is doing well I am told. Agnes, my eldest daughter, has been enjoying herself in a yacht, with ‘Sir Paraffine’ Young and his family. Sir Roderick, also, is well, and expresses a hope that he will soon see me. You have brought me quite a budget.”

The man was not an apparition, then, and yesterday’s scenes were not the result of a dream! and I gazed on him intently, for thus I was assured he had not run away, which was the great fear that constantly haunted me as I was journeying to Ujiji.

“Now, Doctor,” said I, “you are, probably, wondering why I came here?”

“It is true,” said he; “I have been wondering. I thought you, at first, an emissary of the French Government, in the place of Lieutenant Le Saint, who died a few miles above Gondokoro. I heard you had boats, plenty of men, and stores, and I really believed you were some French officer, until I saw the American flag; and, to tell you the truth, I was rather glad it was so, because I could not have talked to him in French; and if he did not know English, we had been a pretty pair of white men in Ujiji! I did not like to ask you yesterday, because I thought it was none of my business.”

“Well,” said I, laughing, “for your sake I am glad that I am an American, and not a Frenchman, and that we can understand each other perfectly without an interpreter. I see that the Arabs are wondering that you, an Englishman, and I, an American, understand each other. We must take care not to tell them that the English and Americans have fought, and that there are ‘Alabama’ claims left unsettled, and that we have such people as Fenians in America, who hate you. But, seriously, Doctor—now don’t be frightened when I tell you that I have come after—YOU!”

“我之后？”

“是的。”

“怎么样？”

“Well. You have heard of the ‘New York Herald?'”

“Oh—who has not heard of that newspaper?”

“Without his father’s knowledge or consent, Mr. James Gordon Bennett, son of Mr. James Gordon Bennett, the proprietor of the ‘Herald,’ has commissioned me to find you—to get whatever news of your discoveries you like to give—and to assist you, if I can, with means.”

“Young Mr. Bennett told you to come after me, to find me out, and help me! It is no wonder, then, you praised Mr. Bennett so much last night.”

“I know him—I am proud to say—to be just what I say he is. He is an ardent, generous, and true man.”

“Well, indeed! I am very much obliged to him; and it makes me feel proud to think that you Americans think so much of me. You have just come in the proper time; for I was beginning to think that I should have to beg from the Arabs. Even they are in want of cloth, and there are but few beads in Ujiji. That fellow Sherif has robbed me of all. I wish I could embody my thanks to Mr. Bennett in suitable words; but if I fail to do so, do not, I beg of you, believe me the less grateful.”

“And now, Doctor, having disposed of this little affair, Ferajji shall bring breakfast; if you have no objection.”

“You have given me an appetite,” he said.

“Halimah is my cook, but she never can tell the difference between tea and coffee.”

Ferajji, the cook, was ready as usual with excellent tea, and a dish of smoking cakes; “dampers,” as the Doctor called them. I never did care much for this kind of a cake fried in a pan, but they were necessary to the Doctor, who had nearly lost all his teeth from the hard fare of Lunda. He had been compelled to subsist on green ears of Indian corn; there was no meat in that district; and the effort to gnaw at the corn ears had loosened all his teeth. I preferred the corn scones of Virginia, which, to my mind, were the nearest approach to palatable bread obtainable in Central Africa.

The Doctor said he had thought me a most luxurious and rich man, when he saw my great bath-tub carried on the shoulders of one of my men; but he thought me still more luxurious this morning, when my knives and forks, and plates, and cups, saucers, silver spoons, and silver teapot were brought forth shining and bright, spread on a rich Persian carpet, and observed that I was well attended to by my yellow and ebon Mercuries.

This was the beginning of our life at Ujiji. I knew him not as a friend before my arrival. He was only an object to me—a great item for a daily newspaper, as much as other subjects in which the voracious news-loving public delight in. I had gone over battlefields, witnessed revolutions, civil wars, rebellions, emeutes and massacres; stood close to the condemned murderer to record his last struggles and last sighs; but never had I been called to record anything that moved me so much as this man’s woes and sufferings, his privations and disappointments, which now were poured into my ear. Verily did I begin to perceive that “the Gods above do with just eyes survey the affairs of men.” I began to recognize the hand of an overruling and kindly Providence.

The following are singular facts worthy for reflection. I was, commissioned for the duty of discovering Livingstone sometime in October, 1869. Mr. Bennett was ready with the money, and I was ready for the journey. But, observe, reader, that I did not proceed directly upon the search mission. I had many tasks to fulfil before proceeding with it, and many thousand miles to travel over. Supposing that I had gone direct to Zanzibar from Paris, seven or eight months afterwards, perhaps, I should have found myself at Ujiji, but Livingstone would not have been found there then; he was on the Lualaba; and I should have had to follow him on his devious tracks through the primeval forests of Manyuema, and up along the crooked course of the Lualaba for hundreds of miles. The time taken by me in travelling up the Nile, back to Jerusalem, then to Constantinople, Southern Russia, the Caucasus, and Persia, was employed by Livingstone in fruitful discoveries west of the Tanganika. Again, consider that I arrived at Unyanyembe in the latter part of June, and that owing to a war I was delayed three months at Unyanyembe, leading a fretful, peevish and impatient life. But while I was thus fretting myself, and being delayed by a series of accidents, Livingstone was being forced back to Ujiji in the same month. It took him from June to October to march to Ujiji. Now, in September, I broke loose from the thraldom which accident had imposed on me, and hurried southward to Ukonongo, then westward to Kawendi, then northward to Uvinza, then westward to Ujiji, only about three weeks after the Doctor’s arrival, to find him resting under the veranda of his house with his face turned eastward, the direction from which I was coming. Had I gone direct from Paris on the search I might have lost him; had I been enabled to have gone direct to Ujiji from Unyanyembe I might have lost him.

The days came and went peacefully and happily, under the palms of Ujiji. My companion was improving in health and spirits. Life had been brought back to him; his fading vitality was restored, his enthusiasm for his work was growing up again into a height that was compelling him to desire to be up and doing. But what could he do, with five men and fifteen or twenty cloths?

“Have you seen the northern head of the Tangannka, Doctor?” I asked one day.

“No; I did try to go there, but the Wajiji were doing their best to fleece me, as they did both Burton and Speke, and I had not a great deal of cloth. If I had gone to the head of the Tanganika, I could not have gone, to Manyuema. The central line of drainage was the most important, and that is the Lualaba. Before this line the question whether there is a connection between the Tanganika and the Albert N’Yanza sinks into insignificance. The great line of drainage is the river flowing from latitude 11 degrees south, which I followed for over seven degrees northward. The Chambezi, the name given to its most southern extremity, drains a large tract of country south of the southernmost source of the Tanganika; it must, therefore, be the most important. I have not the least doubt, myself, but that this lake is the Upper Tanganika, and the Albert N’Yanza of Baker is the Lower Tanganika, which are connected by a river flowing from the upper to the lower. This is my belief, based upon reports of the Arabs, and a test I made of the flow with water-plants. But I really never gave it much thought.”

“Well, if I were you, Doctor, before leaving Ujiji, I should explore it, and resolve the doubts upon the subject; lest, after you leave here, you should not return by this way. The Royal Geographical Society attach much importance to this supposed connection, and declare you are the only man who can settle it. If I can be of any service to you, you may command me. Though I did not come to Africa as an explorer, I have a good deal of curiosity upon the subject, and should be willing to accompany you. I have with me about twenty men who understand rowing we have plenty of guns, cloth, and beads; and if we can get a canoe from the Arabs we can manage the thing easily.”

“Oh, we can get a canoe from Sayd bin Majid. This man has been very kind to me, and if ever there was an Arab gentleman, he is one.”

“Then it is settled, is it, that we go?”

“I am ready, whenever you are.”

“I am at your command. Don’t you hear my men call you the ‘Great Master,’ and me the ‘Little Master?’ It would never do for the ‘Little Master’ to command.”

By this time Livingstone was becoming known to me. I defy any one to be in his society long without thoroughly fathoming him, for in him there is no guile, and what is apparent on the surface is the thing that is in him. I simply write down my own opinion of the man as I have seen him, not as he represents himself; as I know him to be, not as I have heard of him. I lived with him from the 10th November, 1871, to the 14th March, 1872; witnessed his conduct in the camp, and on the march, and my feelings for him are those of unqualified admiration. The camp is the best place to discover a man’s weaknesses, where, if he is flighty or wrong-headed, he is sure to develop his hobbies and weak side. I think it possible, however, that Livingstone, with an unsuitable companion, might feel annoyance. I know I should do so very readily, if a man’s character was of that oblique nature that it was an impossibility to travel in his company. I have seen men, in whose company I felt nothing but a thraldom, which it was a duty to my own self-respect to cast off as soon as possible; a feeling of utter incompatibility, with whose nature mine could never assimilate. But Livingstone was a character that I venerated, that called forth all my enthusiasm, that evoked nothing but sincerest admiration.

Dr. Livingstone is about sixty years old, though after he was restored to health he appeared more like a man who had not passed his fiftieth year. His hair has a brownish colour yet, but is here and there streaked with grey lines over the temples; his whiskers and moustache are very grey. He shaves his chin daily. His eyes, which are hazel, are remarkably bright; he has a sight keen as a hawk’s. His teeth alone indicate the weakness of age; the hard fare of Lunda has made havoc in their lines. His form, which soon assumed a stoutish appearance, is a little over the ordinary height with the slightest possible bow in the shoulders. When walking he has a firm but heavy tread, like that of an overworked or fatigued man. He is accustomed to wear a naval cap with a semicircular peak, by which he has been identified throughout Africa. His dress, when first I saw him, exhibited traces of patching and repairing, but was scrupulously clean.

I was led to believe that Livingstone possessed a splenetic, misanthropic temper; some have said that he is garrulous, that he is demented; that he has utterly changed from the David Livingstone whom people knew as the reverend missionary; that he takes no notes or observations but such as those which no other person could read but himself; and it was reported, before I proceeded to Central Africa, that he was married to an African princess.

I respectfully beg to differ with all and each of the above statements. I grant he is not an angel, but he approaches to that being as near as the nature of a living man will allow. I never saw any spleen or misanthropy in him—as for being garrulous, Dr. Livingstone is quite the reverse: he is reserved, if anything; and to the man who says Dr. Livingstone is changed, all I can say is, that he never could have known him, for it is notorious that the Doctor has a fund of quiet humour, which he exhibits at all times whenever he is among friends. I must also beg leave to correct the gentleman who informed me that Livingstone takes no notes or observations. The huge Letts’s Diary which I carried home to his daughter is full of notes, and there are no less than a score of sheets within it filled with observations which he took during the last trip he made to Manyuema alone; and in the middle of the book there is sheet after sheet, column after column, carefully written, of figures alone. A large letter which I received from him has been sent to Sir Thomas MacLear, and this contains nothing but observations. During the four months I was with him, I noticed him every evening making most careful notes; and a large tin box that he has with him contains numbers of field note-books, the contents of which I dare say will see the light some time. His maps also evince great care and industry. As to the report of his African marriage, it is unnecessary to say more than that it is untrue, and it is utterly beneath a gentleman to hint at such a thing in connection with the name of David Livingstone.

There is a good-natured abandon about Livingstone which was not lost on me. Whenever he began to laugh, there was a contagion about it, that compelled me to imitate him. It was such a laugh as Herr Teufelsdrockh’s—a laugh of the whole man from head to heel. If he told a story, he related it in such a way as to convince one of its truthfulness; his face was so lit up by the sly fun it contained, that I was sure the story was worth relating, and worth listening to.

The wan features which had shocked me at first meeting, the heavy step which told of age and hard travel, the grey beard and bowed shoulders, belied the man. Underneath that well-worn exterior lay an endless fund of high spirits and inexhaustible humour; that rugged frame of his enclosed a young and most exuberant soul. Every day I heard innumerable jokes and pleasant anecdotes; interesting hunting stories, in which his friends Oswell, Webb, Vardon, and Gorden Cumming were almost always the chief actors. I was not sure, at first, but this joviality, humour, and abundant animal spirits were the result of a joyous hysteria; but as I found they continued while I was with him, I am obliged to think them natural.

Another thing which specially attracted my attention was his wonderfully retentive memory. If we remember the many years he has spent in Africa, deprived of books, we may well think it an uncommon memory that can recite whole poems from Byron, Burns, Tennyson, Longfellow, Whittier, and Lowell. The reason of this may be found, perhaps, in the fact, that he has lived all his life almost, we may say, within himself. Zimmerman, a great student of human nature, says on this subject “The unencumbered mind recalls all that it has read, all that pleased the eye, and delighted the ear; and reflecting on every idea which either observation, or experience, or discourse has produced, gains new information by every reflection. The intellect contemplates all the former scenes of life; views by anticipation those that are yet to come; and blends all ideas of past and future in the actual enjoyment of the present moment.” He has lived in a world which revolved inwardly, out of which he seldom awoke except to attend to the immediate practical necessities of himself and people; then relapsed again into the same happy inner world, which he must have peopled with his own friends, relations, acquaintances, familiar readings, ideas, and associations; so that wherever he might be, or by whatsoever he was surrounded, his own world always possessed more attractions to his cultured mind than were yielded by external circumstances.

The study of Dr. Livingstone would not be complete if we did not take the religious side of his character into consideration. His religion is not of the theoretical kind, but it is a constant, earnest, sincere practice. It is neither demonstrative nor loud, but manifests itself in a quiet, practical way, and is always at work. It is not aggressive, which sometimes is troublesome, if not impertinent. In him, religion exhibits its loveliest features; it governs his conduct not only towards his servants, but towards the natives, the bigoted Mohammedans, and all who come in contact with him. Without it, Livingstone, with his ardent temperament, his enthusiasm, his high spirit and courage, must have become uncompanionable, and a hard master. Religion has tamed him, and made him a Christian gentleman: the crude and wilful have been refined and subdued; religion has made him the most companionable of men and indulgent of masters—a man whose society is pleasurable.

In Livingstone I have seen many amiable traits. His gentleness never forsakes him; his hopefulness never deserts him. No harassing anxieties, distraction of mind, long separation from home and kindred, can make him complain. He thinks “all will come out right at last;” he has such faith in the goodness of Providence. The sport of adverse circumstances, the plaything of the miserable beings sent to him from Zanzibar—he has been baffled and worried, even almost to the grave, yet he will not desert the charge imposed upon him by his friend, Sir Roderick Murchison. To the stern dictates of duty, alone, has he sacrificed his home and ease, the pleasures, refinements, and luxuries of civilized life. His is the Spartan heroism, the inflexibility of the Roman, the enduring resolution of the Anglo-Saxon—never to relinquish his work, though his heart yearns for home; never to surrender his obligations until he can write Finis to his work.

But you may take any point in Dr. Livingstone’s character, and analyse it carefully, and I would challenge any man to find a fault in it. He is sensitive, I know; but so is any man of a high mind and generous nature. He is sensitive on the point of being doubted or being criticised. An extreme love of truth is one of his strongest characteristics, which proves him to be a man of strictest principles, and conscientious scruples; being such, he is naturally sensitive, and shrinks from any attacks on the integrity of his observations, and the accuracy of his reports. He is conscious of having laboured in the course of geography and science with zeal and industry, to have been painstaking, and as exact as circumstances would allow. Ordinary critics seldom take into consideration circumstances, but, utterly regardless of the labor expended in obtaining the least amount of geographical information in a new land, environed by inconceivable dangers and difficulties, such as Central Africa presents, they seem to take delight in rending to tatters, and reducing to nil, the fruits of long years of labor, by sharply-pointed shafts of ridicule and sneers.

Livingstone no doubt may be mistaken in some of his conclusions about certain points in the geography of Central Africa, but he is not so dogmatic and positive a man as to refuse conviction. He certainly demands, when arguments in contra are used in opposition to him, higher authority than abstract theory. His whole life is a testimony against its unreliability, and his entire labor of years were in vain if theory can be taken in evidence against personal observation and patient investigation.

The reluctance he manifests to entertain suppositions, possibilities regarding the nature, form, configuration of concrete immutable matter like the earth, arises from the fact, that a man who commits himself to theories about such an untheoretical subject as Central Africa is deterred from bestirring himself to prove them by the test of exploration. His opinion of such a man is, that he unfits himself for his duty, that he is very likely to become a slave to theory—a voluptuous fancy, which would master him.

It is his firm belief, that a man who rests his sole knowledge of the geography of Africa on theory, deserves to be discredited. It has been the fear of being discredited and criticised and so made to appear before the world as a man who spent so many valuable years in Africa for the sake of burdening the geographical mind with theory that has detained him so long in Africa, doing his utmost to test the value of the main theory which clung to him, and would cling to him until he proved or disproved it.

This main theory is his belief that in the broad and mighty Lualaba he has discovered the head waters of the Nile. His grounds for believing this are of such nature and weight as to compel him to despise the warning that years are advancing on him, and his former iron constitution is failing. He believes his speculations on this point will be verified; he believes he is strong enough to pursue his explorations until he can return to his country, with the announcement that the Lualaba is none other than the Nile.

On discovering that the insignificant stream called the Chambezi, which rises between 10 degrees S. and 12 degrees S., flowed westerly, and then northerly through several lakes, now under the names of the Chambezi, then as the Luapula, and then as the Lualaba, and that it still continued its flow towards the north for over 7 degrees, Livingstone became firmly of the opinion that the river whose current he followed was the Egyptian Nile. Failing at lat. 4 degrees S. to pursue his explorations further without additional supplies, he determined to return to Ujiji to obtain them.

And now, having obtained them, he intends to return to the point where he left off work. He means to follow that great river until it is firmly established what name shall eventually be given the noble water-way whose course he has followed through so many sick toilings and difficulties. To all entreaties to come home, to all the glowing temptations which home and innumerable friends offer, he returns the determined answer:—

“No; not until my work is ended.”

I have often heard our servants discuss our respective merits. “Your master,” say my servants to Livingstone’s, “is a good man—a very good man; he does not beat you, for he has a kind heart; but ours—oh! he is sharp—hot as fire”—”mkali sana, kana moto.” From being hated and thwarted in every possible way by the Arabs and half-castes upon first arrival in Ujiji, he has, through his uniform kindness and mild, pleasant temper, won all hearts. I observed that universal respect was paid to him. Even the Mohammedans never passed his house without calling to pay their compliments, and to say, “The blessing of God rest on you.” Each Sunday morning he gathers his little flock around him, and reads prayers and a chapter from the Bible, in a natural, unaffected, and sincere tone; and afterwards delivers a short address in the Kisawahili language, about the subject read to them, which is listened to with interest and attention.

There is another point in Livingstone’s character about which readers of his books, and students of his travels, would like to know, and that is his ability to withstand the dreadful climate of Central Africa, and the consistent energy with which he follows up his explorations. His consistent energy is native to him and to his race. He is a very fine example of the perseverance, doggedness, and tenacity which characterise the Anglo-Saxon spirit; but his ability to withstand the climate is due not only to the happy constitution with which he was born, but to the strictly temperate life he has ever led. A drunkard and a man of vicious habits could never have withstood the climate of Central Africa.

The second day after my arrival in Ujiji I asked the Doctor if he did not feel a desire, sometimes, to visit his country, and take a little rest after his six years’ explorations; and the answer he gave me fully reveals the man. Said he:

“I should like very much to go home and see my children once again, but I cannot bring my heart to abandon the task I have undertaken, when it is so nearly completed. It only requires six or seven months more to trace the true source that I have discovered with Petherick’s branch of the White Nile, or with the Albert N’Yanza of Sir Samuel Baker, which is the lake called by the natives ‘Chowambe.’ Why should I go home before my task is ended, to have to come back again to do what I can very well do now?”

“And why?” I asked, “did you come so far back without finishing the task which you say you have got to do?”

“Simply because I was forced. My men would not budge a step forward. They mutinied, and formed a secret resolution—if I still insisted upon going on—to raise a disturbance in the country, and after they had effected it to abandon me; in which case I should have been killed. It was dangerous to go any further. I had explored six hundred miles of the watershed, had traced all the principal streams which discharge their waters into the central line of drainage, but when about starting to explore the last hundred miles the hearts of my people failed them, and they set about frustrating me in every possible way. Now, having returned seven hundred miles to get a new supply of stores, and another escort, I find myself destitute of even the means to live but for a few weeks, and sick in mind and body.”

Here I may pause to ask any brave man how he would have comported himself in such a crisis. Many would have been in exceeding hurry to get home to tell the news of the continued explorations and discoveries, and to relieve the anxiety of the sorrowing family and friends awaiting their return. Enough surely had been accomplished towards the solution of the problem that had exercised the minds of his scientific associates of the Royal Geograpical Society. It was no negative exploration, it was hard, earnest labor of years, self-abnegation, enduring patience, and exalted fortitude, such as ordinary men fail to exhibit.

Suppose Livingstone had hurried to the coast after he had discovered Lake Bangweolo, to tell the news to the geographical world; then had returned to discover Moero, and run away again; then went back once more only to discover Kamolondo, and to race back again. This would not be in accordance with Livingstone’s character. He must not only discover the Chambezi, Lake Bangweolo, Luapula River, Lake Moero, Lualaba River, and Lake Kamolondo, but he must still tirelessly urge his steps forward to put the final completion to the grand lacustrine river system. Had he followed the example of ordinary explorers, he would have been running backwards and forwards to tell the news, instead of exploring; and he might have been able to write a volume upon the discovery of each lake, and earn much money thereby. They are no few months’ explorations that form the contents of his books. His ‘Missionary Travels’ embraces a period of sixteen years; his book on the Zambezi, five years; and if the great traveller lives to come home, his third book, the grandest of all, must contain the records of eight or nine years.

It is a principle with Livingstone to do well what he undertakes to do; and in the consciousness that he is doing it, despite the yearning for his home which is sometimes overpowering, he finds, to a certain extent, contentment, if not happiness. To men differently constituted, a long residence amongst the savages of Africa would be contemplated with horror, yet Livingstone’s mind can find pleasure and food for philosophic studies. The wonders of primeval nature, the great forests and sublime mountains, the perennial streams and sources of the great lakes, the marvels of the earth, the splendors of the tropic sky by day and by night—all terrestrial and celestial phenomena are manna to a man of such self-abnegation and devoted philanthropic spirit. He can be charmed with the primitive simplicity of Ethiop’s dusky children, with whom he has spent so many years of his life; he has a sturdy faith in their capabilities; sees virtue in them where others see nothing but savagery; and wherever he has gone among them, he has sought to elevate a people that were apparently forgotten of God and Christian man.

One night I took out my note-book, and prepared to take down from his own lips what he had to say about his travels; and unhesitatingly he related his experiences, of which the following is a summary:

Dr. David Livingstone left the Island of Zanzibar in March, 1866. On the 7th of the following month he departed from Mikindany Bay for the interior, with an expedition consisting of twelve Sepoys from Bombay, nine men from Johanna, of the Comoro Islands, seven liberated slaves, and two Zambezi men, taking them as an experiment; six camels, three buffaloes, two mules, and three donkeys. He had thus thirty men with him, twelve of whom, viz., the Sepoys, were to act as guards for the Expedition. They were mostly armed with the Enfield rifles presented to the Doctor by the Bombay Government. The baggage of the expedition consisted of ten bales of cloth and two bags of beads, which were to serve as the currency by which they would be enabled to purchase the necessaries of life in the countries the Doctor intended to visit. Besides the cumbrous moneys, they carried several boxes of instruments, such as chronometers, air thermometers, sextant, and artificial horizon, boxes containing clothes, medicines, and personal necessaries. The expedition travelled up the left bank of the Rovuma River, a route as full of difficulties as any that could be chosen. For miles Livingstone and his party had to cut their way with their axes through the dense and almost impenetrable jungles which lined the river’s banks. The road was a mere footpath, leading in the most erratic fashion into and through the dense vegetation, seeking the easiest outlet from it without any regard to the course it ran. The pagazis were able to proceed easily enough; but the camels, on account of their enormous height, could not advance a step without the axes of the party clearing the way. These tools of foresters were almost always required; but the advance of the expedition was often retarded by the unwillingness of the Sepoys and Johanna men to work.

Soon after the departure of the expedition from the coast, the murmurings and complaints of these men began, and upon every occasion and at every opportunity they evinced a decided hostility to an advance. In order to prevent the progress of the Doctor, and in hopes that it would compel him to return to the coast, these men so cruelly treated the animals that before long there was not one left alive. But as this scheme failed, they set about instigating the natives against the white men, whom they accused most wantonly of strange practices. As this plan was most likely to succeed, and as it was dangerous to have such men with him, the Doctor arrived at the conclusion that it was best to discharge them, and accordingly sent the Sepoys back to the coast; but not without having first furnished them with the means of subsistence on their journey to the coast. These men were such a disreputable set that the natives spoke of them as the Doctor’s slaves. One of their worst sins was the custom of giving their guns and ammunition to carry to the first woman or boy they met, whom they impressed for that purpose by such threats or promises as they were totally unable to perform, and unwarranted in making. An hour’s marching was sufficient to fatigue them, after which they lay down on the road to bewail their hard fate, and concoct new schemes to frustrate their leader’s purposes. Towards night they generally made their appearance at the camping-ground with the looks of half-dead men. Such men naturally made but a poor escort; for, had the party been attacked by a wandering tribe of natives of any strength, the Doctor could have made no defence, and no other alternative would have been left to him but to surrender and be ruined.

The Doctor and his little party arrived on the 18th July, 1866, at a village belonging to a chief of the Wahiyou, situate eight days’ march south of the Rovuma, and overlooking the watershed of the Lake Nyassa. The territory lying between the Rovuma River and this Wahiyou village was an uninhabited wilderness, during the transit of which Livingstone and his expedition suffered considerably from hunger and desertion of men.

Early in August, 1866, the Doctor came to the country of Mponda, a chief who dwelt near the Lake Nyassa. On the road thither, two of the liberated slaves deserted him. Here also, Wekotani, a protege of the Doctor, insisted upon his discharge, alleging as an excuse—an excuse which the Doctor subsequently found to be untrue—that he had found his brother. He also stated that his family lived on the east side of the Nyassa Lake. He further stated that Mponda’s favourite wife was his sister. Perceiving that Wekotani was unwilling to go with him further, the Doctor took him to Mponda, who now saw and heard of him for the first time, and, having furnished the ungrateful boy with enough cloth and beads to keep him until his “big brother” should call for him, left him with the chief, after first assuring himself that he would receive honourable treatment from him. The Doctor also gave Wekotanti writing-paper—as he could read and write, being accomplishments acquired at Bombay, where he had been put to school—so that, should he at any time feel disposed, he might write to his English friends, or to himself. The Doctor further enjoined him not to join in any of the slave raids usually made by his countrymen, the men of Nyassa, on their neighbours. Upon finding that his application for a discharge was successful, Wekotani endeavoured to induce Chumah, another protege of the Doctor’s, and a companion, or chum, of Wekotani, to leave the Doctor’s service and proceed with him, promising, as a bribe, a wife and plenty of pombe from his “big brother.” Chumah, upon referring the matter to the Doctor, was advised not to go, as he (the Doctor) strongly suspected that Wekotani wanted only to make him his slave. Chumah wisely withdrew from his tempter. From Mponda’s, the Doctor proceeded to the heel of the Nyassa, to the village of a Babisa chief, who required medicine for a skin disease. With his usual kindness, he stayed at this chief’s village to treat his malady.

While here, a half-caste Arab arrived from the western shore of the lake, and reported that he had been plundered by a band of Mazitu, at a place which the Doctor and Musa, chief of the Johanna men, were very well aware was at least 150 miles north-north-west of where they were then stopping. Musa, however, for his own reasons—which will appear presently—eagerly listened to the Arab’s tale, and gave full credence to it. Having well digested its horrible details, he came to the Doctor to give him the full benefit of what he had heard with such willing ears. The traveller patiently listened to the narrative, which lost nothing of its portentous significance through Musa’s relation, and then asked Musa if he believed it. “Yes,” answered Musa, readily; “he tell me true, true. I ask him good, and he tell me true, true.” The Doctor, however, said he did not believe it, for the Mazitu would not have been satisfied with merely plundering a man, they would have murdered him; but suggested, in order to allay the fears of his Moslem subordinate, that they should both proceed to the chief with whom they were staying, who, being a sensible man, would be able to advise them as to the probability or improbability of the tale being correct. Together, they proceeded to the Babisa chief, who, when he had heard the Arab’s story, unhesitatingly denounced the Arab as a liar, and his story without the least foundation in fact; giving as a reason that, if the Mazitu had been lately in that vicinity, he should have heard of it soon enough.

But Musa broke out with “No, no, Doctor; no, no, no; I no want to go to Mazitu. I no want Mazitu to kill me. I want to see my father, my mother, my child, in Johanna. I want no Mazitu.” These are Musa’s words 马鞭草.

To which the Doctor replied, “I don’t want the Mazitu to kill me either; but, as you are afraid of them, I promise to go straight west until we get far past the beat of the Mazitu.”

Musa was not satisfied, but kept moaning and sorrowing, saying, “If we had two hundred guns with us I would go; but our small party of men they will attack by night, and kill all.”

The Doctor repeated his promise, “But I will not go near them; I will go west.”

As soon as he turned his face westward, Musa and the Johanna men ran away in a body.

The Doctor says, in commenting upon Musa’s conduct, that he felt strongly tempted to shoot Musa and another ringleader, but was, nevertheless, glad that he did not soil his hands with their vile blood. A day or two afterwards, another of his men—Simon Price by name—came to the Doctor with the same tale about the Mazitu, but, compelled by the scant number of his people to repress all such tendencies to desertion and faint-heartedness, the Doctor silenced him at once, and sternly forbade him to utter the name of the Mazitu any more.

Had the natives not assisted him, he must have despaired of ever being able to penetrate the wild and unexplored interior which he was now about to tread. “Fortunately,” as the Doctor says with unction, “I was in a country now, after leaving the shores of Nyassa, which the foot of the slave-trader has not trod; it was a new and virgin land, and of course, as I have always found in such cases, the natives were really good and hospitable, and for very small portions of cloth my baggage was conveyed from village to village by them.” In many other ways the traveller, in his extremity, was kindly treated by the yet unsophisticated and innocent natives.

On leaving this hospitable region in the early part of December, 1866, the Doctor entered a country where the Mazitu had exercised their customary marauding propensities. The land was swept clean of provisions and cattle, and the people had emigrated to other countries, beyond the bounds of those ferocious plunderers. Again the Expedition was besieged by pinching hunger from which they suffered; they had recourse to the wild fruits which some parts of the country furnished. At intervals the condition of the hard-pressed band was made worse by the heartless desertion of some of its members, who more than once departed with the Doctor’s personal kit, changes of clothes, linen, &c. With more or less misfortunes constantly dogging his footsteps, he traversed in safety the countries of the Babisa, Bobemba, Barungu, Ba-ulungu, and Lunda.

In the country of Lunda lives the famous Cazembe, who was first made known to Europeans by Dr. Lacerda, the Portuguese traveller. Cazembe is a most intelligent prince; he is a tall, stalwart man, who wears a peculiar kind of dress, made of crimson print, in the form of a prodigious kilt. In this state dress, King Cazembe received Dr. Livingstone, surrounded by his chiefs and body-guards. A chief, who had been deputed by the King and elders to discover all about the white man, then stood up before the assembly, and in a loud voice gave the result of the inquiry he had instituted. He had heard that the white man had come to look for waters, for rivers, and seas; though he could not understand what the white man could want with such things, he had no doubt that the object was good. Then Cazembe asked what the Doctor proposed doing, and where he thought of going. The Doctor replied that he had thought of proceeding south, as he had heard of lakes and rivers being in that direction. Cazembe asked, “What can you want to go there for? The water is close here. There is plenty of large water in this neighbourhood.” Before breaking up the assembly, Cazembe gave orders to let the white man go where he would through his country undisturbed and unmolested. He was the first Englishman he had seen, he said, and he liked him.

Shortly after his introduction to the King, the Queen entered the large house, surrounded by a body-guard of Amazons with spears. She was a fine, tall, handsome young woman, and evidently thought she was about to make an impression upon the rustic white man, for she had clothed herself after a most royal fashion, and was armed with a ponderous spear. But her appearance—so different from what the Doctor had imagined—caused him to laugh, which entirely spoiled the effect intended; for the laugh of the Doctor was so contagious, that she herself was the first to imitate it, and the Amazons, courtier-like, followed suit. Much disconcerted by this, the Queen ran back, followed by her obedient damsels—a retreat most undignified and unqueenlike, compared with her majestic advent into the Doctor’s presence. But Livingstone will have much to say about his reception at this court, and about this interesting King and Queen; and who can so well relate the scenes he witnessed, and which belong exclusively to him, as he himself?

Soon after his arrival in the country of Lunda, or Londa, and before he had entered the district ruled over by Cazembe, he had crossed a river called the Chambezi, which was quite an important stream. The similarity of the name with that large and noble river south, which will be for ever connected with his name, misled Livingstone at that time, and he, accordingly, did not pay to it the attention it deserved, believing that the Chambezi was but the head-waters of the Zambezi, and consequently had no bearing or connection with the sources of the river of Egypt, of which he was in search. His fault was in relying too implicitly upon the correctness of Portuguese information. This error it cost him many months of tedious labour and travel to rectify.

From the beginning of 1867—the time of his arrival at Cazembe’s—till the middle of March, 1869—the time of his arrival at Ujiji—he was mostly engaged in correcting the errors and misrepresentations of the Portuguese travellers. The Portuguese, in speaking of the River Chambezi, invariably spoke of it as “our own Zambezi,”—that is, the Zambezi which flows through the Portuguese possessions of the Mozambique. “In going to Cazembe from Nyassa,” said they, “you will cross our own Zambezi.” Such positive and reiterated information—given not only orally, but in their books and maps—was naturally confusing. When the Doctor perceived that what he saw and what they described were at variance, out of a sincere wish to be correct, and lest he might have been mistaken himself, he started to retravel the ground he had travelled before. Over and over again he traversed the several countries watered by the several rivers of the complicated water system, like an uneasy spirit. Over and over again he asked the same questions from the different peoples he met, until he was obliged to desist, lest they might say, “The man is mad; he has got water on the brain!”

But his travels and tedious labours in Lunda and the adjacent countries have established beyond doubt—first, that the Chambezi is a totally distinct river from the Zambezi of the Portuguese; and, secondly, that the Chambezi, starting from about latitude 11 degrees south, is no other than the most southerly feeder of the great Nile; thus giving that famous river a length of over 2,000 miles of direct latitude; making it, second to the Mississippi, the longest river in the world. The real and true name of the Zambezi is Dombazi. When Lacerda and his Portuguese successors, coming to Cazembe, crossed the Chambezi, and heard its name, they very naturally set it down as “our own Zambezi,” and, without further inquiry, sketched it as running in that direction.

During his researches in that region, so pregnant in discoveries, Livingstone came to a lake lying north-east of Cazembe, which the natives call Liemba, from the country of that name which bordered it on the east and south. In tracing the lake north, he found it to be none other than the Tanganika, or the south-eastern extremity of it, which looks, on the Doctor’s map, very much like an outline of Italy. The latitude of the southern end of this great body of water is about 8 degrees 42 minutes south, which thus gives it a length, from north to south, of 360 geographical miles. From the southern extremity of the Tanganika he crossed Marungu, and came in sight of Lake Moero. Tracing this lake, which is about sixty miles in length, to its southern head, he found a river, called the Luapula, entering it from that direction. Following the Luapula south, he found it issue from the large lake of Bangweolo, which is nearly as large in superficial area as the Tanganika. In exploring for the waters which discharged themselves into the lake, he found that by far the most important of these feeders was the Chambezi; so that he had thus traced the Chambezi from its source to Lake Bangweolo, and the issue from its northern head, under the name of Luapula, and found it enter Lake Moero. Again he returned to Cazembe’s, well satisfied that the river running north through three degrees of latitude could not be the river running south under the name of Zambezi, though there might be a remarkable resemblance in their names.

At Cazembe’s he found an old white-bearded half-caste named Mohammed bin Sali, who was kept as a kind of prisoner at large by the King because of certain suspicious circumstances attending his advent and stay in the country. Through Livingstone’s influence Mohammed bin Sali obtained his release. On the road to Ujiji he had bitter cause to regret having exerted himself in the half-caste’s behalf. He turned out to be a most ungrateful wretch, who poisoned the minds of the Doctor’s few followers, and ingratiated himself with them by selling the favours of his concubines to them, by which he reduced them to a kind of bondage under him. The Doctor was deserted by all but two, even faithful Susi and Chumah deserted him for the service of Mohammed bin Sali. But they soon repented, and returned to their allegiance. From the day he had the vile old man in his company manifold and bitter misfortunes followed the Doctor up to his arrival at Ujiji in March, 1869.

From the date of his arrival until the end of June, 1869, he remained at Ujiji, whence he dated those letters which, though the outside world still doubted his being alive, satisfied the minds of the Royal Geographical people, and his intimate friends, that he still existed, and that Musa’a tale was the false though ingenious fabrication of a cowardly deserter. It was during this time that the thought occurred to him of sailing around the Lake Tanganika, but the Arabs and natives were so bent upon fleecing him that, had he undertaken it, the remainder or his goods would not have enabled him to explore the central line of drainage, the initial point of which he found far south of Cazembe’s in about latitude 11 degrees, in the river called Chambezi.

In the days when tired Captain Burton was resting in Ujiji, after his march from the coast near Zanzibar, the land to which Livingstone, on his departure from Ujiji, bent his steps was unknown to the Arabs save by vague report. Messrs. Burton and Speke never heard of it, it seems. Speke, who was the geographer of Burton’s Expedition, heard of a place called Urua, which he placed on his map, according to the general direction indicated by the Arabs; but the most enterprising of the Arabs, in their search after ivory, only touched the frontiers of Rua, as, the natives and Livingstone call it; for Rua is an immense country, with a length of six degrees of latitude, and as yet an undefined breadth from east to west.

At the end of June, 1869, Livingstone quitted Ujiji and crossed over to Uguhha, on the western shore, for his last and greatest series of explorations; the result of which was the further discovery of a lake of considerable magnitude connected with Moero by the large river called the Lualaba, and which was a continuation of the chain of lakes he had previously discovered.

From the port of Uguhha he set off, in company with a body of traders, in an almost direct westerly course, for the country of Urua. Fifteen days’ march brought them to Bambarre, the first important ivory depot in Manyema, or, as the natives pronounce it, Manyuema. For nearly six months he was detained at Bambarre from ulcers in the feet, which discharged bloody ichor as soon as he set them on the ground. When recovered, he set off in a northerly direction, and after several days came to a broad lacustrine river, called the Lualaba, flowing northward and westward, and in some places southward, in a most confusing way. The river was from one to three miles broad. By exceeding pertinacity he contrived to follow its erratic course, until he saw the Lualaba enter the narrow, long lake of Kamolondo, in about latitude 6 degrees 30 minutes. Retracing this to the south, he came to the point where he had seen the Luapula enter Lake Moero.

One feels quite enthusiastic when listening to Livingstone’s description of the beauties of Moero scenery. Pent in on all sides by high mountains, clothed to the edges with the rich vegetation of the tropics, the Moero discharges its superfluous waters through a deep rent in the bosom of the mountains. The impetuous and grand river roars through the chasm with the thunder of a cataract, but soon after leaving its confined and deep bed it expands into the calm and broad Lualaba, stretching over miles of ground. After making great bends west and south-west, and then curving northward, it enters Kamolondo. By the natives it is called the Lualaba, but the Doctor, in order to distinguish it from other rivers of the same name, has given it the name of “Webb’s River,” after Mr. Webb, the wealthy proprietor of Newstead Abbey, whom the Doctor distinguishes as one of his oldest and most consistent friends. Away to the south-west from Kamolondo is another large lake, which discharges its waters by the important River Loeki, or Lomami, into the great Lualaba. To this lake, known as Chebungo by the natives, Dr. Livingstone has given the name of “Lincoln,” to be hereafter distinguished on maps and in books as Lake Lincoln, in memory of Abraham Lincoln, our murdered President. This was done from the vivid impression produced on his mind by hearing a portion of his inauguration speech read from an English pulpit, which related to the causes that induced him to issue his Emancipation Proclamation, by which memorable deed 4,000,000 of slaves were for ever freed. To the memory of the man whose labours on behalf of the negro race deserves the commendation of all good men, Livingstone has contributed a monument more durable than brass or stone.

Entering Webb’s River from the south-south-west, a little north of Kamolondo, is a large river called Lufira, but the streams, that discharge themselves from the watershed into the Lualaba are so numerous that the Doctor’s map would not contain them, so he has left all out except the most important. Continuing his way north, tracing the Lualaba through its manifold and crooked curves as far as latitude 4 degrees south, he came to where he heard of another lake, to the north, into which it ran. But here you may come to a dead halt, and read what lies beyond this spot thus…. This was the furthermost point, whence he was compelled to return on the weary road to Ujiji, a distance of 700 miles.

In this brief sketch of Dr. Livingstone’s wonderful travels it is to be hoped the most superficial reader, as well as the student of geography, comprehends this grand system of lakes connected together by Webb’s River. To assist him, let him glance at the map accompanying this book. He will then have a fair idea of what Dr. Livingstone has been doing during these long years, and what additions he has made to the study of African geography. That this river, distinguished under several titles, flowing from one lake into another in a northerly direction, with all its great crooked bends and sinuosities, is the Nile—the true Nile—the Doctor has not the least doubt. For a long time he entertained great scepticism, because of its deep bends and curves west, and south-west even; but having traced it from its head waters, the Chambezi, through 7 degrees of latitude—that is, from 11 degrees S. to lat. 4 degrees N.—he has been compelled to come to the conclusion that it can be no other river than the Nile. He had thought it was the Congo; but has discovered the sources of the Congo to be the Kassai and the Kwango, two rivers which rise on the western side of the Nile watershed, in about the latitude of Bangweolo; and he was told of another river called the Lubilash, which rose from the north, and ran west. But the Lualaba, the Doctor thinks, cannot be the Congo, from its great size and body, and from its steady and continued flow northward through a broad and extensive valley, bounded by enormous mountains westerly and easterly. The altitude of the most northerly point to which the Doctor traced the wonderful river was a little in excess of 2,000 feet; so that, though Baker makes out his lake to be 2,700 feet above the sea, yet the Bahr Ghazal, through which Petherick’s branch of the White Nile issues into the Nile, is but 2,000 feet; in which case there is a possibility that the Lualaba may be none other than Petherick’s branch.

It is well known that trading stations for ivory have been established for about 500 miles up Petherick’s branch. We must remember this fact when told that Gondokoro, in lat. 4 degrees N., is 2,000 feet above the sea, and lat. 4 degrees S., where the halt was made, is only a little over 2,000 feet above the sea. That the two rivers said to be 2,000 feet above the sea, separated from each other by 8 degrees of latitude, are one and the same river, may among some men be regarded as a startling statement. But we must restrain mere expressions of surprise, and take into consideration that this mighty and broad Lualaba is a lacustrine river broader than the Mississippi; that at intervals the body of water forms extensive lakes; then, contracting into a broad river, it again forms a lake, and so on, to lat. 4 degrees; and even beyond this point the Doctor hears of a large lake again north.

We must wait also until the altitudes of the two rivers, the Lualaba, where the Doctor halted, and the southern point on the Bahr Ghazal, where Petherick has been, are known with perfect accuracy.

Now, for the sake of argument, suppose we give this nameless lake a length of 6 degrees of latitude, as it may be the one discovered by Piaggia, the Italian traveller, from which Petherick’s branch of the White Nile issues out through reedy marshes, into the Bahr Ghazal, thence into the White Nile, south of Gondokoro. By this method we can suppose the rivers one; for if the lake extends over so many degrees of latitude, the necessity of explaining the differences of altitude that must naturally exist between two points of a river 8 degrees of latitude apart, would be obviated.

Also, Livingstone’s instruments for observation and taking altitudes may have been in error; and this is very likely to have been the case, subjected as they have been to rough handling during nearly six years of travel. Despite the apparent difficulty of the altitude, there is another strong reason for believing Webb’s River, or the Lualaba, to be the Nile. The watershed of this river, 600 miles of which Livingstone has travelled, is drained from a valley which lies north and south between lofty eastern and western ranges.

This valley, or line of drainage, while it does not receive the Kassai and the Kwango, receives rivers flowing from a great distance west, for instance, the important tributaries Lufira and Lomami, and large rivers from the east, such as the Lindi and Luamo; and, while the most intelligent Portuguese travellers and traders state that the Kassai, the Kwango, and Lubilash are the head waters of the Congo River, no one has yet started the supposition that the grand river flowing north, and known by the natives as the Lualaba, is the Congo.

This river may be the Congo, or, perhaps, the Niger. If the Lualaba is only 2,000 feet above the sea, and the Albert N’Yanza 2,700 feet, the Lualaba cannot enter that lake. If the Bahr Ghazal does not extend by an arm for eight degrees above Gondokoro, then the Lualaba cannot be the Nile. But it would be premature to dogmatise on the subject. Livingstone will clear up the point himself; and if he finds it to be the Congo, will be the first to admit his error.

Livingstone admits the Nile sources have not been found, though he has traced the Lualaba through seven degrees of latitude flowing north; and, though he has not a particle of doubt of its being the Nile, not yet can the Nile question be said to be resolved and ended. For two reasons:

1. He has heard of the existence of four fountains, two of which gave birth to a river flowing north, Webb’s River, or the Lualaba, and to a river flowing south, which is the Zambezi. He has repeatedly heard of these fountains from the natives. Several times he has been within 100 and 200 miles from them, but something always interposed to prevent his going to see them. According to those who have seen them, they rise on either side of a mound or level, which contains no stones. Some have called it an ant-hill. One of these fountains is said to be so large that a man, standing on one side, cannot be seen from the other. These fountains must be discovered, and their position taken. The Doctor does not suppose them to be south of the feeders of Lake Bangweolo. In his letter to the ‘Herald’ he says “These four full-grown gushing fountains, rising so near each other, and giving origin to four large rivers, answer in a certain degree to the description given of the unfathomable fountains of the Nile, by the secretary of Minerva, in the city of Sais, in Egypt, to the father of all travellers—Herodotus.”

For the information of such readers as may not have the original at hand, I append the following from Cary’s translation of Herodotus: (II.28)

(Jul 2001 The History of Herodotus V1 by Herodotus; Macaulay)

*** With respect to the sources of the Nile, no man of all the
Egyptians, Libyans, or Grecians, with whom I have conversed,
ever pretended to know anything, except the registrar* of Minerva’s

*the secretary of the treasury of the goddess Neith, or Athena as Herodotus calls her: ho grammatiste:s to:n hiro:n xre:mato:n te:s Athe:naie:s>

treasury at Sais, in Egypt. He, indeed, seemed to be trifling with me when he said he knew perfectly well; yet his account was as follows: “That there are two mountains, rising into a sharp peak, situated between the city of Syene, in Thebais, and Elephantine. The names of these mountains are the one Crophi, the other Mophi; that the sources of the Nile, which are bottomless, flow from between these mountains and that half of the water flows over Egypt and to the north, the other half over Ethiopia and the south. That the fountains of the Nile are bottomless, he said, Psammitichus, king of Egypt, proved by experiment: for, having caused a line to be twisted many thousand fathoms in length, he let it down, but could not find a bottom.” Such, then, was the opinion the registrar gave, if, indeed, he spoke the real truth; proving, in my opinion, that there are strong whirlpools and an eddy here, so that the water beating against the rocks, a sounding-line, when let down, cannot reach the bottom. I was unable to learn anything more from any one else. But thus much I learnt by carrying my researches as far as possible, having gone and made my own observations as far as Elephantine, and beyond that obtaining information from hearsay. As one ascends the river, above the city of Elephantine, the country is steep; here, therefore; it is necessary to attach a rope on both sides of a boat, as one does with an ox in a plough, and so proceed; but if the rope should happen to break, the boat is carried away by the force of the stream. This kind of country lasts for a four-days’ passage, and the Nile here winds as much as the Maeander. There are twelve schoeni, which it is necessary to sail through in this manner; and after that you will come to a level plain, where the Nile flows round an island; its name is Tachompso. Ethiopians inhabit the country immediately above Elephantine, and one half of the island; the other half is inhabited by Egyptians. Near to this island lies a vast lake, on the borders of which Ethiopian nomades dwell. After sailing through this lake you will come to the channel of the Nile, which flows into it: then you will have to land and travel forty days by the side of the river, for sharp rocks rise in the Nile, and there are many sunken ones, through which it is not possible to navigate a boat. Having passed this country in the forty days, you must go on board another boat, and sail for twelve days; and then you will arrive at a large city, called Meroe; this city is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia. The inhabitants worship no other gods than Jupiter and Bacchus; but these they honour with great magnificence. They have also an oracle of Jupiter; and they make war whenever that god bids them by an oracular warning, and against whatever country he bids them. Sailing from this city, you will arrive at the country of the Automoli, in a space of time equal to that which you took in coming from Elephantine to the capital of the Ethiopians. These Automoli are called by the name of Asmak, which, in the language of Greece, signifies “those that stand at the left hand of the king.” These, to the number of two hundred and forty thousand of the Egyptian war-tribe, revolted to the Ethiopians on the following occasion. In the reign of King Psammitichus garrisons were stationed at Elephantine against the Ethiopians, and another at the Pelusian Daphnae against the Arabians and Syrians, and another at Marea against Libya; and even in my time garrisons of the Persians are stationed in the same places as they were in the time of Psammitichus, for they maintain guards at Elephantine and Daphnae. Now, these Egyptians, after they had been on duty three years, were not relieved; therefore, having consulted together and come to an unanimous resolution, they all revolted from Psammitichus, and went to Ethiopia.

[“which it is said that one of them pointed to his privy member and said that wherever this was, there would they have both children and wives”—Macaulay tr.; published edition censors]

should find both children and wives.” These men, when they arrived in Ethiopia, offered their services to the king of the Ethiopians, who made them the following recompense. There were certain Ethiopians disaffected towards him; these he bade them expel, and take possession of their land. By the settlement of these men among the Ethiopians, the Ethiopians became more civilized, and learned the manners of the Egyptians.

Now, for a voyage and land journey of four months, the Nile is known, in addition to the part f the stream that is in Egypt; for, upon computation, so many months are known to be spent by a person who travels from Elephantine to the Automoli. This river flows from the west and the setting of the sun; but beyond this no one is able to speak with certainty, for the rest of the country is desert by reason of the excessive heat. But I have heard the following account from certain Cyrenaeans, who say that they went to the oracle of Ammon, and had a conversation with Etearchus, King of the Ammonians, and that, among other subjects, they happened to discourse about the Nile—that nobody knew its sources; whereupon Etearchus said that certain Nasamonians once came to him—this nation is Lybian, and inhabits the Syrtis, and the country for no great distance eastward of the Syrtis—and that when these Nasamonians arrived, and were asked if they could give any further formation touching the deserts of Libya, they answered, that there were some daring youths amongst them, sons of powerful men; and that they, having reached man’s estate, formed many other extravagant plans, and, moreover, chose five of their number by lot to explore the deserts of Libya, to see if they could make any further discovery than those who had penetrated the farthest. (For, as respects the parts of Libya along the Northern Sea, beginning from Egypt to the promontory of Solois, where is the extremity of Libya, Libyans and various nations of Libyans reach all along it, except those parts which are occupied by Grecians and Phoenicians; but as respects the parts above the sea, and those nations which reach down to the sea, in the upper parts Libya is infested by wild beasts; and all beyond that is sand, dreadfully short of water, and utterly desolate.) They further related, “that when the young men deputed by their companions set out, well furnished with water and provisions, they passed first through the inhabited country; and having traversed this, they came to the region infested by wild beasts; and after this they crossed the desert, making their way towards the west; and when they had traversed much sandy ground, during a journey of many days, they at length saw some trees growing in a plain; and that they approached and began to gather the fruit that grew on the trees; and while they were gathering, some diminutive men, less than men of middle stature, came up, and having seized them carried them away; and that the Nasamonians did not at all understand their language, nor those who carried them off the language of the Nasamonians. However, they conducted them through vast morasses, and when they had passed these, they came to a city in which all the inhabitants were of the same size as their conductors, and black in colour: and by the city flowed a great river, running from the west to the east, and that crocodiles were seen in it.” Thus far I have set forth the account of Etearchus the Ammonian; to which may be added, as the Cyrenaeans assured me, “that he said the Nasamonians all returned safe to their own country, and that the men whom they came to were all necromancers.” Etearchus also conjectured that this river, which flows by their city, is the Nile; and reason so evinces: for the Nile flows from Libya, and intersects it in the middle; and (as I conjecture, inferring things unknown from things known) it sets out from a point corresponding with the Ister. For the Ister, beginning from the Celts, and the city of Pyrene, divides Europe in its course; but the Celts are beyond the pillars of Hercules, and border on the territories of the Cynesians, who lie in the extremity of Europe to the westward; and the Ister terminates by flowing through all Europe into the Euxine Sea, where a Milesian colony is settled in Istria. Now the Ister, as it flows through a well-peopled country, is generally known; but no one is able to speak about the sources of the Nile, because Libya, through which it flows, is uninhabited and desolate. Respecting this stream, therefore, as far as I was able to reach by inquiry, I have already spoken. It however discharges itself into Egypt; and Egypt lies, as near as may be, opposite to the mountains of Cilicia; from whence to Sinope, on the Euxine Sea, is a five days’ journey in a straight line to an active man; and Sinope is opposite to the Ister, where it discharges itself into the sea. So I think that the Nile, traversing the whole of Libya, may be properly compared with the Ister.
*** (end of Herodotus’s account) ***

2. Webb’s River must be traced to its connection with some portion of the old Nile.

When these two things have been accomplished, then, and not till then, can the mystery of the Nile be explained. The two countries through which the marvellous lacustrine river, the Lualaba, flows, with its manifold lakes and broad expanse of water, are Rua (the Uruwwa of Speke) and Manyuema. For the first time Europe is made aware that between the Tanganika and the known sources of the Congo there exist teeming millions of the negro race, who never saw, or heard of the white people who make such a noisy and busy stir outside of Africa. Upon the minds of those who had the good fortune to see the first specimen of these remarkable white races in Dr. Livingstone, he seems to have made a favourable impression, though, through misunderstanding his object, and coupling him with the Arabs, who make horrible work there, his life was sought after more than once. These two extensive countries, Rua and Manyuema, are populated by true heathens, governed, not as the sovereignties of Karagwah, Urundi, and Uganda, by despotic kings, but each village by its own sultan or lord. Thirty miles outside of their own immediate settlements, the most intelligent of these small chiefs seem to know nothing. Thirty miles from the Lualaba, there were but few people who had ever heard of the great river. Such ignorance among the natives of their own country naturally increased the labours of Livingstone. Compared with these, all tribes and nations in Africa with whom Livingstone came in contact may be deemed civilized, yet, in the arts of home manufacture, these wild people of Manyuema were far superior to any he had seen. Where other tribes and nations contented themselves with hides and skins of animals thrown negligently over their shoulders, the people of Manyuema manufactured a cloth from fine grass, which may favorably compare with the finest grass cloth of India. They also know the art of dyeing them in various colours—black, yellow, and purple. The Wangwana, or freed-men of Zanzibar, struck with the beauty of the fabric, eagerly exchange their cotton cloths for fine grass cloth; and on almost every black man from Manyuema I have seen this native cloth converted into elegantly made damirs (Arabic)—short jackets. These countries are also very rich in ivory. The fever for going to Manyuema to exchange tawdry beads for its precious tusks is of the same kind as that which impelled men to go to the gulches and placers of California, Colorado, Montana, and Idaho; after nuggets to Australia, and diamonds to Cape Colony. Manyuema is at present the El Dorado of the Arab and the Wamrima tribes. It is only about four years since that the first Arab returned from Manyuema, with such wealth of ivory, and reports about the fabulous quantities found there, that ever since the old beaten tracks of Karagwah, Uganda, Ufipa, and Marungu have been comparatively deserted. The people of Manyuema, ignorant of the value of the precious article, reared their huts upon ivory stanchions. Ivory pillars were common sights in Manyuema, and, hearing of these, one can no longer, wonder at the ivory palace of Solomon. For generations they have used ivory tusks as door-posts and supports to the eaves, until they had become perfectly rotten and worthless. But the advent of the Arabs soon taught them the value of the article. It has now risen considerably in price, though still fabulously cheap. At Zanzibar the value of ivory per frasilah of 35 lbs. weight is from $50 to $60, according to its quality. In Unyanyembe it is about $1-10 per pound, but in Manyuema, it may be purchased for from half a cent to 14 cent’s worth of copper per pound of ivory. The Arabs, however, have the knack of spoiling markets by their rapacity and cruelty. With muskets, a small party of Arabs is invincible against such people as those of Manyuema, who, until lately, never heard the sound of a gun. The discharge of a musket inspires mortal terror in them, and it is almost impossible to induce them to face the muzzle of a gun. They believe that the Arabs have stolen the lightning, and that against such people the bow and arrow can have little effect.

Into what country soever the Arabs enter, they contrive to render their name and race abominated. But the mainspring of it all is not the Arab’s nature, colour, or name, but simply the slave-trade. So long as the slave-trade is permitted to be kept up at Zanzibar, so long will these otherwise enterprising people, the Arabs, kindle gainst them the hatred of the natives throughout Africa.

On the main line of travel from Zanzibar into the interior of Africa these acts of cruelty are unknown, for the very good reason that the natives having been armed with guns, and taught how to use those weapons, are by no means loth to do so whenever an opportunity presents itself. When, too late, they have perceived their folly in selling guns to the natives, the Arabs now begin to vow vengeance on the person who will in future sell a gun to a native. But they are all guilty of the same mistake, and it is strange they did not perceive that it was folly when they were doing so.

In former days the Arab, when protected by his slave escort, armed with guns, could travel through Useguhha, Urori, Ukonongo, Ufipa, Karagwah, Unyoro, and Uganda, with only a stick in his hand; now, however, it is impossible for him or any one else to do so. Every step he takes, armed or unarmed, is fraught with danger. The Waseguhha, near the coast, detain him, and demand the tribute, or give him the option of war; entering Ugogo, he is subjected every day to the same oppressive demand, or to the fearful alternative. The Wanyamwezi also show their readiness to take the same advantage; the road to Karagwah is besieged with difficulties; the terrible Mirambo stands in the way, defeats their combined forces with ease, and makes raids even to the doors of their houses in Unyanyembe; and should they succeed in passing Mirambo, a chief—Swaruru—stands before them who demands tribute by the bale, and against whom it is useless to contend.

These remarks have reference to the slave-trade inaugurated in Manyuema by the Arabs. Harassed on the road between Zanzibar and Unyanyembe by minatory natives, who with bloody hands are ready to avenge the slightest affront, the Arabs have refrained from kidnapping between the Tanganika and the sea; but in Manyuema, where the natives are timid, irresolute, and divided into small weak tribes, they recover their audacity, and exercise their kidnapping propensities unchecked.

The accounts which the Doctor brings from that new region are most deplorable. He was an unwilling spectator of a horrible deed—a massacre committed on the inhabitants of a populous district who had assembled in the market-place on the banks of the Lualaba, as they had been accustomed to do for ages. It seems that the Wamanyuema are very fond of marketing, believing it to be the summum bonum of human enjoyment. They find endless pleasure in chaffering with might and main for the least mite of their currency—the last bead; and when they gain the point to which their peculiar talents are devoted, they feel intensely happy. The women are excessively fond of this marketing, and, as they are very beautiful, the market place must possess considerable attractions for the male sex. It was on such a day amidst such a scene, that Tagamoyo, a half-caste Arab, with his armed slave escort, commenced an indiscriminate massacre by firing volley after volley into the dense mass of human beings. It is supposed that there were about 2,000 present, and at the first sound of the firing these poor people all made a rush for their canoes. In the fearful hurry to avoid being shot, the canoes were paddled away by the first fortunate few who got possession of them; those that were not so fortunate sprang into the deep waters of the Lualaba, and though many of them became an easy prey to the voracious crocodiles which swarmed to the scene, the majority received their deaths from the bullets of the merciless Tagamoyo and his villanous band. The Doctor believes, as do the Arabs themselves, that about 400 people, mostly women and children, lost their lives, while many more were made slaves. This outrage is only one of many such he has unwillingly witnessed, and he is utterly unable to describe the feelings of loathing he feels for the inhuman perpetrators.

Slaves from Manyuema command a higher price than those of any other country, because of their fine forms and general docility. The women, the Doctor said repeatedly, are remarkably pretty creatures, and have nothing, except the hair, in common with the negroes of the West Coast. They are of very light colour, have fine noses, well-cut and not over-full lips, while the prognathous jaw is uncommon. These women are eagerly sought after as wives by the half-castes of the East Coast, and even the pure Omani Arabs do not disdain to take them in marriage.

To the north of Manyuema, Livingstone came to the light-complexioned race, of the colour of Portuguese, or our own Louisiana quadroons, who are very fine people, and singularly remarkable for commercial “‘cuteness” and sagacity. The women are expert divers for oysters, which are found in great abundance in the Lualaba.

Rua, at a place called Katanga, is rich in copper. The copper-mines of this place have been worked for ages. In the bed of a stream, gold has been found, washed down in pencil-shaped pieces or in particles as large as split peas. Two Arabs have gone thither to prospect for this metal; but, as they are ignorant of the art of gulch-mining, it is scarcely possible that they will succeed. From these highly important and interesting discoveries, Dr. Livingstone was turned back, when almost on the threshold of success, by the positive refusal of his men to accompany him further. They were afraid to go on unless accompanied by a large force of men; and, as these were not procurable in Manyuema, the Doctor reluctantly turned his face towards Ujiji.

It was a long and weary road back. The journey had now no interest for him. He had travelled the road before when going westward, full of high hopes and aspirations, impatient to reach the goal which promised him rest from his labors—now, returning unsuccessful, baffled, and thwarted, when almost in sight of the end, and having to travel the same path back on foot, with disappointed expectations and defeated hopes preying on his mind, no wonder that the old brave spirit almost succumbed, and the strong constitution almost went to wreck.

Livingstone arrived at Ujiji, October 16th, almost at death’s door. On the way he had been trying to cheer himself up, since he had found it impossible to contend against the obstinacy of his men, with, “It won’t take long; five or six months more; it matters not since it cannot be helped. I have got my goods in Ujiji, and can hire other people, and make a new start again.” These are the words and hopes by which he tried to delude himself into the idea that all would be right yet; but imagine the shock he must have suffered, when he found that the man to whom was entrusted his goods for safe keeping had sold every bale for ivory.

The evening of the day Livingstone had returned to Ujiji, Susi and Chuma, two of his most faithful men, were seen crying bitterly. The Doctor asked of them what ailed them, and was then informed, for the first time, of the evil tidings that awaited him.

Said they, “All our things are sold, sir; Sherif has sold everything for ivory.”

Later in the evening, Sherif came to see him, and shamelessly offered his hand, but Livingstone repulsed him, saying he could not shake hands with a thief. As an excuse, Sherif said he had divined on the Koran, and that this had told him the Hakim (Arabic for Doctor) was dead.

Livingstone was now destitute; he had just enough to keep him and his men alive for about a month, when he would be forced to beg from the Arabs.

The Doctor further stated, that when Speke gives the altitude of the Tanganika at only 1,800 feet above the sea, Speke must have fallen into that error by a frequent writing of the Anne Domini, a mere slip of the pen; for the altitude, as he makes it out, is 2,800 feet by boiling point, and a little over 3,000 feet by barometer.

The Doctor’s complaints were many because slaves were sent to him, in charge of goods, after he had so often implored the people at Zanzibar to send him freemen. A very little effort on the part of those entrusted with the despatch of supplies to him might have enabled them to procure good and faithful freemen; but if they contented themselves, upon the receipt of a letter from Dr. Livingstone, with sending to Ludha Damji for men, it is no longer a matter of wonder that dishonest and incapable slaves were sent forward. It is no new fact that the Doctor has discovered when he states that a negro freeman is a hundred times more capable and trustworthy than a slave. Centuries ago Eumaeus, the herdsman, said to Ulysses:

Jove fixed it certain, that whatever day Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away.

We passed several happy days at Ujiji, and it was time we were now preparing for our cruise on the Tanganika. Livingstone was improving every day under the different diet which my cook furnished him. I could give him no such suppers as that which Jupiter and Mercury received at the cottage of Baucis and Philemon. We had no berries of chaste Minerva, pickled cherries, endive, radishes, dried figs, dates, fragrant apples, and grapes; but we had cheese, and butter which I made myself, new-laid eggs, chickens, roast mutton, fish from the lake, rich curds and cream, wine from the Guinea-palm, egg-plants, cucumbers, sweet potatoes, pea-nuts, and beans, white honey from Ukaranga, luscious singwe—a plum-like fruit—from the forests of Ujiji, and corn scones and dampers, in place of wheaten bread.

During the noontide heats we sat under our veranda discussing our various projects, and in the early morning and evening we sought the shores of the lake—promenading up and down the beach to breathe the cool breezes which ruffled the surface of the water, and rolled the unquiet surf far up on the smooth and whitened shore.

It was the dry season, and we had most lovely weather; the temperature never was over 80 degrees in the shade.

The market-place overlooking the broad silver water afforded us amusement and instruction. Representatives of most of the tribes dwelling near the lake were daily found there. There were the agricultural and pastoral Wajiji, with their flocks and herds; there were the fishermen from Ukaranga and Kaole, from beyond Bangwe, and even from Urundi, with their whitebait, which they called dogara, the silurus, the perch, and other fish; there were the palm-oil merchants, principally from Ujiji and Urundi, with great five-gallon pots full of reddish oil, of the consistency of butter; there were the salt merchants from the salt-plains of Uvinza and Uhha; there were the ivory merchants from Uvira and Usowa; there were the canoe-makers from Ugoma and Urundi; there were the cheap-Jack pedlers from Zanzibar, selling flimsy prints, and brokers exchanging blue mutunda beads for sami-sami, and sungomazzi, and sofi. The sofi beads are like pieces of thick clay-pipe stem about half an inch long, and are in great demand here. Here were found Waguhha, Wamanyuema, Wagoma, Wavira, Wasige, Warundi, Wajiji, Waha, Wavinza, Wasowa, Wangwana, Wakawendi, Arabs, and Wasawahili, engaged in noisy chaffer and barter. Bareheaded, and almost barebodied, the youths made love to the dark-skinned and woolly-headed Phyllises, who knew not how to blush at the ardent gaze of love, as their white sisters; old matrons gossiped, as the old women do everywhere; the children played, and laughed, and struggled, as children of our own lands; and the old men, leaning on their spears or bows, were just as garrulous in the Place de Ujiji as aged elders in other climes.

“I distinctly deny that ‘any misleading by my instructions from the Royal Geographical Society as to the position of the White Nile’ made me unconscious of the vast importance of ascertaining the direction of the Rusizi River. The fact is, we did our best to reach it, and we failed.”—Burton’s Zanzibar.

“The universal testimony of the natives to the Rusizi River being an influent is the most conclusive argument that it does run out of the lake.”—Speke.

“I therefore claim for Lake Tanganika the honour of being the SOUTHERNMOST RESERVOIR OF THE NILE, until some more positive evidence, by actual observation, shall otherwise determine it.”—Findlay, R.G.S.

Had Livingstone and myself, after making up our minds to visit the northern head of the Lake Tanganika, been compelled by the absurd demands or fears of a crew of Wajiji to return to Unyanyembe without having resolved the problem of the Rusizi River, we had surely deserved to be greeted by everybody at home with a universal giggling and cackling. But Capt. Burton’s failure to settle it, by engaging Wajiji, and that ridiculous savage chief Kannena, had warned us of the negative assistance we could expect from such people for the solution of a geographical problem. We had enough good sailors with us, who were entirely under our commands. Could we but procure the loan of a canoe, we thought all might be well.

Upon application to Sayd bin Majid, he at once generously permitted us to use his canoe for any service for which we might require it. After engaging two Wajiji guides at two doti each, we prepared to sail from the port of Ujiji, in about a week or so after my entrance into Ujiji.

I have already stated how it was that the Doctor and I undertook the exploration of the northern half of the Tanganika and the River Rusizi, about which so much had been said and written.

Before embarking on this enterprise, Dr. Livingstone had not definitely made up his mind which course he should take, as his position was truly deplorable. His servants consisted of Susi, Chumah, Hamoydah, Gardner, and Halimah, the female cook and wife of Hamoydah; to these was added Kaif-Halek, the man whom I compelled to follow me from Unyanyembe to deliver the Livingstone letters to his master.

Whither could Dr. Livingstone march with these few men, and the few table-cloths and beads that remained to him from the store squandered by the imbecile Sherif? This was a puzzling question. Had Dr. Livingstone been in good health, his usual hardihood and indomitable spirit had answered it in a summary way. He might have borrowed some cloth from Sayd bin Majid at an exorbitant price, sufficient to bring him to Unyanyembe and the sea-coast. But how long would he have been compelled to sit down at Ujiji, waiting and waiting for the goods that were said to be at Unyanyembe, a prey to high expectations, hoping day after day that the war would end—hoping week after week to hear that his goods were coming? Who knows how long his weak health had borne up against the several disappointments to which he would be subjected?

Though it was with all due deference to Dr. Livingstone’s vast experience as a traveller, I made bold to suggest the following courses to him, either of which he could adopt:

Ist. To go home, and take the rest he so well deserved and, as he appeared then, to be so much in need of.

2nd. To proceed to Unyanyembe, receive his goods, and enlist pagazis sufficient to enable him to travel anywhere, either to Manyuema or Rua, and settle the Nile problem, which he said he was in a fair way of doing.

3rd. To proceed to Unyanyembe, receive his caravan, enlist men, and try to join Sir Samuel Baker, either by going to Muanza, and sailing through Ukerewe or Victoria N’Yanza in my boats—which I should put up—to Mtesa’s palace at Uganda, thus passing by Mirambo and Swaruru of Usui, who would rob him if he took the usual caravan road to Uganda; thence from Mtesa to Kamrasi, King of Unyoro, where he would of course hear of the great white man who was said to be with a large force of men at Gondokoro.

4th. To proceed to Unyanyembe, receive his caravan, enlist men, and return to Ujiji, and back to Manyuema by way of Uguhha.

5th. To proceed by way of the Rusizi through Ruanda, and so on to Itara, Unyoro, and Baker.

For either course, whichever he thought most expedient, I and my men would assist him as escort and carriers, to the best of our ability. If he should elect to go home, I informed him I should be proud to escort him, and consider myself subject to his commands—travelling only when he desired, and camping only when he gave the word.

6th. The last course which I suggested to him, was to permit me to escort him to Unyanyembe, where he could receive his own goods, and where I could deliver up to him a large supply of first-class cloth and beads, guns and ammunition, cooking utensils, clothing, boats, tents, &c., and where he could rest in a comfortable house, while I would hurry down to the coast, organise a new expedition composed of fifty or sixty faithful men, well armed, by whom I could send an additional supply of needful luxuries in the shape of creature comforts.

After long consideration, he resolved to adopt the last course, as it appeared to him to be the most feasible one, and the best, though he did not hesitate to comment upon the unaccountable apathy of his agent at Zanzibar, which had caused him so much trouble and vexation, and weary marching of hundreds of miles.

Our ship—though nothing more than a cranky canoe hollowed out of a noble mvule tree of Ugoma—was an African Argo bound on a nobler enterprise than its famous Grecian prototype. We were bound upon no mercenary errand, after no Golden Fleece, but perhaps to discover a highway for commerce which should bring the ships of the Nile up to Ujiji, Usowa, and far Marungu. We did not know what we might discover on our voyage to the northern head of the Tanganika; we supposed that we should find the Rusizi to be an effluent of the Tanganika, flowing down to the Albert or the Victoria N’Yanza. We were told by natives and Arabs that the Rusizi ran out of the lake.

Sayd bin Majid had stated that his canoe would carry twenty-five men, and 3,500 lbs. of ivory. Acting upon this information, we embarked twenty-five men, several of whom had stored away bags of salt for the purposes of trade with the natives; but upon pushing off from the shore near Ujiji, we discovered the boat was too heavily laden, and was down to the gunwale. Returning in-shore, we disembarked six men, and unloaded the bags of salt, which left us with sixteen rowers, Selim, Ferajji the cook, and the two Wajiji guides.

Having thus properly trimmed our boat we again pushed off, and steered her head for Bangwe Island, which was distant four or five miles from the Bunder of Ujiji. While passing this island the guides informed us that the Arabs and Wajiji took shelter on it during an incursion of the Watuta—which took place some years ago—when they came and invaded Ujiji, and massacred several of the inhabitants. Those who took refuge on the island were the only persons who escaped the fire and sword with which the Watuta had visited Ujiji.

After passing the island and following the various bends and indentations of the shore, we came in sight of the magnificent bay of Kigoma, which strikes one at once as being an excellent harbor from the variable winds which blow over the Tanganika. About 10 A.M. we drew in towards the village of Kigoma, as the east wind was then rising, and threatened to drive us to sea. With those travelling parties who are not in much hurry Kigoma is always the first port for canoes bound north from Ujiji. The next morning at dawn we struck tent, stowed baggage, cooked, and drank coffee, and set off northward again.

The lake was quite calm; its waters, of a dark-green colour, reflected the serene blue sky above. The hippopotami came up to breathe in alarmingly close proximity to our canoe, and then plunged their heads again, as if they were playing hide-and-seek with us. Arriving opposite the high wooded hills of Bemba, and being a mile from shore, we thought it a good opportunity to sound the depth of the water, whose colour seemed to indicate great depth. We found thirty-five fathoms at this place.

Our canoeing of this day was made close in-shore, with a range of hills, beautifully wooded and clothed with green grass, sloping abruptly, almost precipitously, into the depths of the fresh-water sea, towering immediately above us, and as we rounded the several capes or points, roused high expectations of some new wonder, or some exquisite picture being revealed as the deep folds disclosed themselves to us. Nor were we disappointed. The wooded hills with a wealth of boscage of beautiful trees, many of which were in bloom, and crowned with floral glory, exhaling an indescribably sweet fragrance, lifting their heads in varied contour—one pyramidal, another a truncated cone; one table-topped, another ridgy, like the steep roof of a church; one a glorious heave with an even outline, another jagged and savage-interested us considerably; and the pretty pictures, exquisitely pretty, at the head of the several bays, evoked many an exclamation of admiration. It was the most natural thing in the world that I should feel deepest admiration for these successive pictures of quiet scenic beauty, but the Doctor had quite as much to say about them as I had myself, though, as one might imagine, satiated with pictures of this kind far more beautiful—far more wonderful—he should long ago have expended all his powers of admiring scenes in nature.

From Bagamoyo to Ujiji I had seen nothing to compare to them—none of these fishing settlements under the shade of a grove of palms and plantains, banians and mimosa, with cassava gardens to the right and left of palmy forests, and patches of luxuriant grain looking down upon a quiet bay, whose calm waters at the early morn reflected the beauties of the hills which sheltered them from the rough and boisterous tempests that so often blew without.

The fishermen evidently think themselves comfortably situated. The lake affords them all the fish they require, more than enough to eat, and the industrious a great deal to sell. The steep slopes of the hills, cultivated by the housewives, contribute plenty of grain, such as dourra and Indian corn, besides cassava, ground-nuts or peanuts, and sweet potatoes. The palm trees afford oil, and the plantains an abundance of delicious fruit. The ravines and deep gullies supply them with the tall shapely trees from which they cut out their canoes. Nature has supplied them bountifully with all that a man’s heart or stomach can desire. It is while looking at what seems both externally and internally complete and perfect happiness that the thought occurs—how must these people sigh, when driven across the dreary wilderness that intervenes between the lake country and the sea-coast, for such homes as these!—those unfortunates who, bought by the Arabs for a couple of doti, are taken away to Zanzibar to pick cloves, or do hamal work!

As we drew near Niasanga, our second camp, the comparison between the noble array of picturesque hills and receding coves, with their pastoral and agricultural scenes, and the shores of old Pontus, was very great. A few minutes before we hauled our canoe ashore, two little incidents occurred. I shot an enormous dog-faced monkey, which measured from nose to end of tail 4 feet 9 inches; the face was 8 1/2 inches long, its body weighed about 100 lbs. It had no mane or tuft at end of tail, but the body was covered with long wiry hair. Numbers of these specimens were seen, as well as of the active cat-headed and long-tailed smaller ones. The other was the sight of a large lizard, about 2 ft. 6 in. long, which waddled into cover before we had well noticed it. The Doctor thought it to be the Monitor terrestris.

We encamped under a banian tree; our surroundings were the now light-grey waters of the Tanganika, an amphitheatral range of hills, and the village of Niasanga, situated at the mouth of the rivulet Niasanga, with its grove of palms, thicket of plantains, and plots of grain and cassava fields. Near our tent were about half-a-dozen canoes, large and small, belonging to the villagers. Our tent door fronted the glorious expanse of fresh water, inviting the breeze, and the views of distant Ugoma and Ukaramba, and the Island of Muzimu, whose ridges appeared of a deep-blue colour. At our feet were the clean and well-washed pebbles, borne upward into tiny lines and heaps by the restless surf. A search amongst these would reveal to us the material of the mountain heaps which rose behind and on our right and left; there was schist, conglomerate sandstone, a hard white clay, an ochreish clay containing much iron, polished quartz, &c. Looking out of our tent, we could see a line on each side of us of thick tall reeds, which form something like a hedge between the beach and the cultivated area around Niasanga. Among birds seen here, the most noted were the merry wagtails, which are regarded as good omens and messengers of peace by the natives, and any harm done unto them is quickly resented, and is fineable. Except to the mischievously inclined, they offer no inducement to commit violence. On landing, they flew to meet us, balancing themselves in the air in front, within easy reach of our hands. The other birds were crows, turtle-doves, fish-hawks, kingfishers, ibis nigra and ibis religiosa, flocks of whydah birds, geese, darters, paddy birds, kites, and eagles.

At this place the Doctor suffered from dysentery—it is his only weak point, he says; and, as I afterwards found, it is a frequent complaint with him. Whatever disturbed his mind, or any irregularity in eating, was sure to end in an attack of dysentery, which had lately become of a chronic character.

The third day of our journey on the Tanganika brought us to Zassi River and village, after a four hours’ pull. Along the line of road the mountains rose 2,000 and 2,500 feet above the waters of the lake. I imagined the scenery getting more picturesque and animated at every step, and thought it by far lovelier than anything seen near Lake George or on the Hudson. The cosy nooks at the head of the many small bays constitute most admirable pictures, filled in as they are with the ever-beautiful feathery palms and broad green plantain fronds. These nooks have all been taken possession of by fishermen, and their conically beehive-shaped huts always peep from under the frondage. The shores are thus extremely populous; every terrace, small plateau, and bit of level ground is occupied.

Zassi is easily known by a group of conical hills which rise near by, and are called Kirassa. Opposite to these, at the distance of about a mile from shore, we sounded, and obtained 35 fathoms, as on the previous day. Getting out a mile further, I let go the whole length of my line, 115 fathoms, and obtained no bottom. In drawing it up again the line parted, and I lost the lead, with three-fourths of the line. The Doctor stated, apropos of this, that he had sounded opposite the lofty Kabogo, south of Ujiji, and obtained the great depth of 300 fathoms. He also lost his lead and 100 fathoms of his line, but he had nearly 900 fathoms left, and this was in the canoes. We hope to use this long sounding line in going across from the eastern to the western shore.

On the fourth day we arrived at Nyabigma, a sandy island in Urundi. We had passed the boundary line between Ujiji and Urundi half-an-hour before arriving at Nyabigma. The Mshala River is considered by both nations to be the proper divisional line; though there are parties of Warundi who have emigrated beyond the frontier into Ujiji; for instance, the Mutware and villagers of populous Kagunga, distant an hour north from Zassi. There are also several small parties of Wajiji, who have taken advantage of the fine lands in the deltas of the Kasokwe, Namusinga, and Luaba Rivers, the two first of which enter the Tanganika in this bay, near the head of which Nyabigma is situated.

From Nyabigma, a pretty good view of the deep curve in the great mountain range which stretches from Cape Kazinga and terminates at Cape Kasofu, may be obtained—a distance of twenty or twenty-five miles. It is a most imposing scene, this great humpy, ridgy, and irregular line of mountains. Deep ravines and chasms afford outlets to the numerous streams and rivers which take their rise in the background; the pale fleecy ether almost always shrouds its summit. From its base extends a broad alluvial plain, rich beyond description, teeming with palms and plantains, and umbrageous trees. Villages are seen in clusters everywhere. Into this alluvial plain run the Luaba, or Ruaba River, on the north side of Cape Kitunda, and the Kasokwe, Namusinga, and Mshala Rivers, on the south side of the cape. All the deltas of rivers emptying into the Tanganika are hedged in on all sides with a thick growth of matete, a gigantic species of grass, and papyrus. In some deltas, as that of Luaba and Kasokwe, morasses have been formed, in which the matete and papyrus jungle is impenetrable. In the depths of them are quiet and deep pools, frequented by various aquatic birds, such as geese, ducks, snipes, widgeons, kingfishers and ibis, cranes and storks, and pelicans. To reach their haunts is, however, a work of great difficulty to the sportsman in quest of game; a work often attended with great danger, from the treacherous nature of these morasses, as well as from the dreadful attacks of fever which, in these regions, invariably follow wet feet and wet clothes.

At Nyabigma we prepared, by distributing ten rounds of ammunition to each of our men, for a tussle with the Warundi of two stages ahead, should they invite it by a too forward exhibition of their prejudice to strangers.

At dawn of the fifth day we quitted the haven of Nyabigma Island, and in less than an hour had arrived off Cape Kitunda. This cape is a low platform of conglomerate sandstone, extending for about eight miles from the base of the great mountain curve which gives birth to the Luaba and its sister streams. Crossing the deep bay, at the head of which is the delta of the Luaba, we came to Cape Kasofu. Villages are numerous in this vicinity. From hence we obtained a view of a series of points or capes, Kigongo, Katunga, and Buguluka, all of which we passed before coming to a halt at the pretty position of Mukungu.

At Mukungu, where we stopped on the fifth day, we were asked for honga, or tribute. The cloth and beads upon which we subsisted during our lake voyage were mine, but the Doctor, being the elder of the two, more experienced, and the “big man” of the party, had the charge of satisfying all such demands. Many and many a time had I gone through the tedious and soul-wearying task of settling the honga, and I was quite curious to see how the great traveller would perform the work.

The Mateko (a man inferior to a Mutware) of Mukungu asked for two and a half doti. This was the extent of the demand, which he made known to us a little after dark. The Doctor asked if nothing had been brought to us. He was answered, “No, it was too late to get anything now; but, if we paid the honga, the Mateko would be ready to give us something when we came back.” Livingstone, upon hearing this, smiled, and the Mateko being then and there in front of him, he said to him. “Well, if you can’t get us anything now, and intend to give something when we return, we had better keep the honga until then.” The Mateko was rather taken aback at this, and demurred to any such proposition. Seeing that he was dissatisfied, we urged him to bring one sheep—one little sheep—for our stomachs were nearly empty, having been waiting more than half a day for it. The appeal was successful, for the old man hastened, and brought us a lamb and a three-gallon pot of sweet but strong zogga, or palm toddy, and in return the Doctor gave him two and a half doti of cloth. The lamb was killed, and, our digestions being good, its flesh agreed with us; but, alas, for the effects of zogga, or palm toddy! Susi, the invaluable adjunct of Dr. Livingstone, and Bombay, the headman of my caravan, were the two charged with watching the canoe; but, having imbibed too freely of this intoxicating toddy, they slept heavily, and in the morning the Doctor and I had to regret the loss of several valuable and indispensable things; among which may be mentioned the Doctor’s 900-fathom sounding-line, 500 rounds of pin, rim, and central-fire cartridges for my arms, and ninety musket bullets, also belonging to me. Besides these, which were indispensable in hostile Warundi, a large bag of flour and the Doctor’s entire stock of white sugar were stolen. This was the third time that my reliance in Bombay’s trustworthiness resulted in a great loss to me, and for the ninety-ninth time I had to regret bitterly having placed such entire confidence in Speke’s loud commendation of him. It was only the natural cowardice of ignorant thieves that prevented the savages from taking the boat and its entire contents, together with Bombay and Susi as slaves. I can well imagine the joyful surprise which must have been called forth at the sight and exquisite taste of the Doctor’s sugar, and the wonder with which they must have regarded the strange ammunition of the Wasungu. It is to be sincerely hoped that they did not hurt themselves with the explosive bullets and rim cartridges through any ignorance of the nature of the deadly contents; in which ease the box and its contents would prove a very Pandora’s casket.

Much grieved at our loss, we set off on the sixth day at the usual hour on our watery journey. We coasted close to the several low headlands formed by the rivers Kigwena, Kikuma, and Kisunwe; and when any bay promised to be interesting, steered the canoe according to its indentations. While travelling on the water—each day brought forth similar scenes—on our right rose the mountains of Urundi, now and then disclosing the ravines through which the several rivers and streams issued into the great lake; at their base were the alluvial plains, where flourished the oil-palm and grateful plantain, while scores of villages were grouped under their shade. Now and then we passed long narrow strips of pebbly or sandy beach, whereon markets were improvised for selling fish, and the staple products of the respective communities. Then we passed broad swampy morasses, formed by the numerous streams which the mountains discharged, where the matete and papyrus flourished. Now the mountains approached to the water, their sides descending abruptly to the water’s edge; then they receded into deep folds, at the base of which was sure to be seen an alluvial plain from one to eight miles broad. Almost constantly we observed canoes being punted vigorously close to the surf, in fearless defiance of a catastrophe, such as a capsize and gobbling-up by voracious crocodiles. Sometimes we sighted a canoe a short distance ahead of us; whereupon our men, with song and chorus, would exert themselves to the utmost to overtake it. Upon observing our efforts, the natives would bend themselves to their tasks, and paddling standing and stark naked, give us ample opportunities for studying at our leisure comparative anatomy. Or we saw a group of fishermen lazily reclining in puris naturalibus on the beach, regarding with curious eye the canoes as they passed their neighbourhood; then we passed a flotilla of canoes, their owners sitting quietly in their huts, busily plying the rod and hook, or casting their nets, or a couple of men arranging their long drag nets close in shore for a haul; or children sporting fearlessly in the water, with their mothers looking on approvingly from under the shade of a tree, from which I infer that there are not many crocodiles in the lake, except in the neighbourhood of the large rivers.

After passing the low headland of Kisunwe, formed by the Kisunwe River, we came in view of Murembwe Cape, distant about four or five miles: the intervening ground being low land, a sandy and pebbly beach. Close to the beach are scores of villages, while the crowded shore indicates the populousness of the place beyond. About half way between Cape Kisunwe and Murembwe, is a cluster of villages called Bikari, which has a mutware who is in the habit of taking honga. As we were rendered unable to cope for any length of time with any mischievously inclined community, all villages having a bad reputation with the Wajiji were avoided by us. But even the Wajiji guides were sometimes mistaken, and led us more than once into dangerous places. The guides evidently had no objections to halt at Bikari, as it was the second camp from Mukungu; because with them a halt in the cool shade of plaintains was infinitely preferable to sitting like carved pieces of wood in a cranky canoe. But before they stated their objections and preferences, the Bikari people called to us in a loud voice to come ashore, threatening us with the vengeance of the great Wami if we did not halt. As the voices were anything but siren-like, we obstinately refused to accede to the request. Finding threats of no avail, they had recourse to stones, and, accordingly, flung them at us in a most hearty manner. As one came within a foot of my arm, I suggested that a bullet be sent in return in close proximity to their feet; but Livingstone, though he said nothing, yet showed plainly enough that he did not quite approve of this. As these demonstrations of hostility were anything but welcome, and as we saw signs of it almost every time we came opposite a village, we kept on our way until we came to Murembwe Point, which, being a delta of a river of the same name, was well protected by a breadth of thorny jungle, spiky cane, and a thick growth of reed and papyrus, from which the boldest Mrundi might well shrink, especially if he called to mind that beyond this inhospitable swamp were the guns of the strangers his like had so rudely challenged. We drew our canoe ashore here, and, on a limited area of clean sand, Ferajji, our rough-and-ready cook, lit his fire, and manufactured for us a supply of most delicious Mocha coffee. Despite the dangers which still beset us, we were quite happy, and seasoned our meal with a little moral philosophy, which lifted us unconsciously into infinitely superior beings to the pagans by whom we were surrounded—upon whom we now looked down, under the influence of Mocha coffee and moral philosophy, with calm contempt, not unmixed with a certain amount of compassion. The Doctor related some experiences he had had among people of similar disposition, but did not fail to ascribe them, with the wisdom of a man of ripe experiences, to the unwise conduct of the Arabs and half-castes; in this opinion I unreservedly concur.

From Murembwe Point, having finished our coffee and ended our discourse on ethics, we proceeded on our voyage, steering for Cape Sentakeyi, which, though it was eight or ten miles away, we hoped to make before dark. The Wangwana pulled with right good will, but ten hours went by, and night was drawing near, and we were still far from Sentakeyi. As it was a fine moonlight night, and we were fully alive to the dangerous position in which we might find ourselves, they consented to pull an hour or two more. About 1 P.M., we pulled in shore for a deserted spot—a clean shelf of sand, about thirty feet long by ten deep, from which a clay bank rose about ten or twelve feet above, while on each side there were masses of disintegrated rock. Here we thought, that by preserving some degree of silence, we might escape observation, and consequent annoyance, for a few hours, when, being rested, we might continue our journey. Our kettle was boiling for tea, and the men had built a little fire for themselves, and had filled their black earthen pot with water for porridge, when our look-outs perceived dark forms creeping towards our bivouac. Being hailed, they at once came forward, and saluted us with the native “Wake.” Our guides explained that we were Wangwana, and intended to camp until morning, when, if they had anything to sell, we should be glad to trade with them. They said they were rejoiced to hear this, and after they had exchanged a few words more—during which time we observed that they were taking mental notes of the camp—they went away. Upon leaving, they promised to return in the morning with food, and make friends with us. While drinking our tea, the look-outs warned us of the approach of a second party, which went through the same process of saluting and observing as the first had done. These also went away, over-exuberant, as I thought, and were shortly succeeded by a third party, who came and went as the others had. From all this we inferred that the news was spreading rapidly through the villages about, and we had noticed two canoes passing backwards and forwards with rather more haste than we deemed usual or necessary. We had good cause to be suspicious; it is not customary for people (at least, between Ujiji and Zanzibar) to be about visiting and saluting after dark, under any pretence; it is not permitted to persons to prowl about camp after dark without being shot at; and this going backward and forward, this ostentatious exuberance of joy at the arrival of a small party of Wangwana, which in many parts of Urundi would be regarded as a very common event, was altogether very suspicious. While the Doctor and I were arriving at the conclusion that these movements were preliminary to or significant of hostility, a fourth body, very boisterous and loud, came and visited us. Our supper had been by this time despatched, and we thought it high time to act. The fourth party having gone with extravagant manifestations of delight, the men were hurried into the canoe, and, when all were seated, and the look-outs embarked, we quietly pushed off, but not a moment too soon. As the canoe was gliding from the darkened light that surrounded us, I called the Doctor’s attention to several dark forms; some of whom were crouching behind the rocks on our right, and others scrambling over them to obtain good or better positions; at the same time people were approaching from the left of our position, in the same suspicious way; and directly a voice hailed us from the top of the clay bank overhanging the sandy shelf where we had lately been resting. “Neatly done,” cried the Doctor, as we were shooting through the water, leaving the discomfited would-be robbers behind us.

After pulling six hours more, during which we had rounded Cape Sentakeyi, we stopped at the small fishing village of Mugeyo, where we were permitted to sleep unmolested. At dawn we continued our journey, and about 8 A.M. arrived at the village of the friendly Mutware of Magala. We had pulled for eighteen hours at a stretch, which, at the rate of two miles and a half per hour, would make forty-five miles. Taking bearings from our camp at Cape Magala, one of the most prominent points in travelling north from Ujiji, we found that the large island of Muzimu, which had been in sight ever since rounding Cape Bangwe, near Ujiji Bunder, bore about south-south-west, and that the western shore had considerably approached to the eastern; the breadth of the lake being at this point about eight or ten miles. We had a good view of the western highlands, which seemed to be of an average height, about 3,000 feet above the lake. Luhanga Peak, rising a little to the north of west from Magala, might be about 500 feet higher; and Sumburizi, a little north of Luhanga, where lived Mruta, Sultan of Uvira, the country opposite to this part of Urundi, about 300 feet higher than the neighbouring heights. Northward from Magala Cape the lake streamed away between two chains of mountains; both meeting in a point about thirty miles north of us.

The Warundi of Magala were very civil, and profound starers. They flocked around the tent door, and most pertinaciously gazed on us, as if we were subjects of most intense interest, but liable to sudden and eternal departure. The Mutware came to see us late in the afternoon, dressed with great pomp. He turned out to be a boy whom I had noticed in the crowd of gazers for his good looks and fine teeth, which he showed, being addicted to laughing continually. There was no mistaking him, though he was now decorated with many ivory ornaments, with necklaces, and with heavy brass bracelets and iron wire anklets. Our admiration of him was reciprocated; and, in return for our two doti of cloth and a fundo of samsam, he gave a fine fat and broad-tailed sheep, and a pot of milk. In our condition both were extremely acceptable.

At Magala we heard of a war raging between Mukamba, for whose country we were bound, and Warumashanya, a Sultan of an adjoining district; and we were advised that, unless we intended to assist one of these chiefs against the other, it would be better for us to return. But, as we had started to solve the problem of the Rusizi River, such considerations had no weight with us.

On the eighth morning from leaving Ujiji we bade farewell to the hospitable people of Magala, and set off for Mukamba’s country, which was in view. Soon after passing the boundary between Urundi proper, and what is known as Usige, a storm from the south-west arose; and the fearful yawing of our canoe into the wave trough warned us from proceeding further; so we turned her head for Kisuka village, about four miles north, where Mugere, in Usige, begins.

At Kisuka a Mgwana living with Mukamba came to see us, and gave us details of the war between Mukamba and Warumashanya, from which it seemed that these two chiefs were continually at loggerheads. It is a tame way of fighting, after all. One chief makes a raid into the other’s country, and succeeds in making off with a herd of cattle, killing one or two men who have been surprised. Weeks, or perhaps months elapse before the other retaliates, and effects a capture in a similar way, and then a balance is struck in which neither is the gainer. Seldom do they attack each other with courage and hearty goodwill, the constitution of the African being decidedly against any such energetic warfare.

This Mgwana, further, upon being questioned, gave us information far more interesting, viz., about the Rusizi. He told us positively, with the air of a man who knew all about it, and as if anybody who doubted him might well be set down as an egregious ass, that the Rusizi River flowed out of the lake, away to Suna’s (Mtesa’s) country. “Where else could it flow to?” he asked. The Doctor was inclined to believe it, or, perhaps he was more inclined to let it rest as stated until our own eyes should confirm it. I was more inclined to doubt, as I told the Doctor; first, it was too good to be true; second, the fellow was too enthusiastic upon a subject that could not possibly interest him. His “Barikallahs” and “Inshallahs” were far too fervid; his answers too much in accordance with our wishes. The Doctor laid great stress on the report of a Mgwana he met far south, who stated that the grandfather or father of Rumanika, present King of Karagwah, had thought of excavating the bed of the Kitangule River, in order that his canoes might go to Ujiji to open a trade. From this, I imagine, coinciding as it did with his often-expressed and present firm belief that the waters of the Tanganika had an outlet somewhere, the Doctor was partial to the report of the Mgwana; but as we proceed we shall see how all this will end.

On the ninth morning from Ujiji, about two hours after sunrise, we passed the broad delta of the Mugere, a river which gives its name also to the district on the eastern shore ruled over by Mukamba. We had come directly opposite the most southern of its three mouths, when we found quite a difference in the colour of the water. An almost straight line, drawn east and west from the mouth would serve well to mark off the difference that existed between the waters. On the south side was pure water of a light green, on the north side it was muddy, and the current could be distinctly seen flowing north. Soon after passing the first mouth we came to a second, and then a third mouth, each only a few yards broad, but each discharging sufficient water to permit our following the line of the currents several rods north beyond the respective mouths.

Beyond the third mouth of the Mugere a bend disclosed itself, with groups of villages beyond on its bank. These were Mukamba’s, and in one of them lived Mukamba, the chief. The natives had yet never seen a white man, and, of course, as soon as we landed we were surrounded by a large concourse, all armed with long spears—the only weapon visible amongst them save a club-stick, and here and there a hatchet.

We were shown into a hut, which the Doctor and I shared between us. What followed on that day I have but a dim recollection, having been struck down by fever—the first since leaving Unyanyembe. I dimly recollect trying to make out what age Mukamba might be, and noting that he was good-looking withal, and kindly-disposed towards us. And during the intervals of agony and unconsciousness, I saw, or fancied I saw, Livingstone’s form moving towards me, and felt, or fancied I felt, Livingstone’s hand tenderly feeling my hot head and limbs. I had suffered several fevers between Bagamoyo and Unyanyembe, without anything or anybody to relieve me of the tedious racking headache and pain, or to illumine the dark and gloomy prospect which must necessarily surround the bedside of the sick and solitary traveller. But though this fever, having enjoyed immunity from it for three months, was more severe than usual, I did not much regret its occurrence, since I became the recipient of the very tender and fatherly kindness of the good man whose companion I now found myself.

The next morning, having recovered slightly from the fever, when Mukamba came with a present of an ox, a sheep, and a goat, I was able to attend to the answers which he gave to the questions about the Rusizi River and the head of the lake. The ever cheerful and enthusiastic Mgwana was there also, and he was not a whit abashed, when, through him, the chief told us that the Rusizi, joined by the Ruanda, or Luanda, at a distance of two days’ journey by water, or one day by land from the head of the lake, flowed INTO the lake.

Thus our hopes, excited somewhat by the positive and repeated assurances that the river flowed out away towards Karagwah, collapsed as speedily as they were raised.

We paid Mukamba the honga, consisting of nine doti and nine fundo of samsam, lunghio, muzurio n’zige. The printed handkerchiefs, which I had in abundance at Unyanyembe, would have gone well here. After receiving his present, the chief introduced his son, a tall youth of eighteen or thereabouts, to the Doctor, as a would-be son of the Doctor; but, with a good-natured laugh, the Doctor scouted all such relationship with him, as it was instituted only for the purpose of drawing more cloth out of him. Mukamba took it in good part, and did not insist on getting more.

Our second evening at Mukamba’s, Susi, the Doctor’s servant, got gloriously drunk, through the chief’s liberal and profuse gifts of pombe. Just at dawn neat morning I was awakened by hearing several sharp, crack-like sounds. I listened, and I found the noise was in our hut. It was caused by the Doctor, who, towards midnight, had felt some one come and lie down by his side on the same bed, and, thinking it was me, he had kindly made room, and laid down on the edge of the bed. But in the morning, feeling rather cold, he had been thoroughly awakened, and, on rising on his elbow to see who his bed-fellow was, he discovered, to his great astonishment, that it was no other than his black servant, Susi, who taking possession of his blankets, and folding them about himself most selfishly, was occupying almost the whole bed. The Doctor, with that gentleness characteristic of him, instead of taking a rod, had contented himself with slapping Susi on the back, saying, “Get up, Susi, will you? You are in my bed. How dare you, sir, get drunk in this way, after I have told you so often not to. Get up. You won’t? Take that, and that, and that.” Still Susi slept and grunted; so the slapping continued, until even Susi’s thick hide began to feel it, and he was thoroughly awakened to the sense of his want of devotion and sympathy for his master in the usurping of even his master’s bed. Susi looked very much crestfallen after this exposé of his infirmity before the “little master,” as I was called.

The next day at dusk—Mukamba having come to bid us good-bye, and requested that as soon as we reached his brother Ruhinga, whose country was at the head of the lake, we would send our canoe back for him, and that in the meanwhile we should leave two of our men with him, with their guns, to help defend him in case Warumashanya should attack him as soon as we were gone—we embarked and pulled across. In nine hours we had arrived at the head of the lake in Mugihewa, the country of Ruhinga; Mukamba’s elder brother. In looking back to where we had come from we perceived that we had made a diagonal cut across from south-east to north-west, instead of having made a direct east and west course; or, in other words, from Mugere—which was at least ten miles from the northernmost point of the eastern shore—we had come to Mugihewa, situated at the northernmost point of the western shore. Had we continued along the eastern shore, and so round the northern side of the lake, we should have passed by Mukanigi, the country of Warumashanya, and Usumbura of Simveh, his ally and friend. But by making a diagonal course, as just described, we had arrived at the extreme head of the lake without any difficulty.

The country in which we now found ourselves, Mugihewa, is situated in the delta of the Rusizi River. It is an extremely flat country, the highest part of which is not ten feet above the lake, with numerous depressions in it overgrown with the rankest of matete-grass and the tallest of papyrus, and pond-like hollows, filled with stagnant water, which emit malaria wholesale. Large herds of cattle are reared on it; for where the ground is not covered with marshy plants it produces rich, sweet grass. The sheep and goats, especially the former, are always in good condition; and though they are not to be compared with English or American sheep, they are the finest I have seen in Africa. Numerous villages are seen on this land because the intervening spaces are not occupied with the rank and luxuriant jungle common in other parts of Africa. Were it not for the Euphorbia kolquall of Abyssinia—which some chief has caused to be planted as a defence round the villages—one might see from one end of Mugihewa to the other. The waters along the head of the lake, from the western to the eastern shores, swarm with crocodiles. From the banks, I counted ten heads of crocodiles, and the Rusizi, we were told, was full of them.

Ruhinga, who came to see us soon after we had taken up our quarters in his village, was a most amiable man, who always contrived to see something that excited his risibility; though older by five or six years perhaps—he said he was a hundred years old—than Mukamba, he was not half so dignified, nor regarded with so much admiration by his people as his younger brother. Ruhinga had a better knowledge, however, of the country than Mukamba, and an admirable memory, and was able to impart his knowledge of the country intelligently. After he had done the honours as chief to us—presented us with an ox and a sheep, milk and honey—we were not backward in endeavouring to elicit as much information as possible out of him.

The summary of the information derived from Ruhinga may be stated as follows:

The country bordering the head of the lake from Urundi proper, on the eastern shore, to Uvira on the western, is divided into the following districts: 1st. Mugere, governed by Mukamba, through which issued into the lake the small rivers of Mugere and Mpanda. 2nd. Mukanigi, governed by Warumashanya, which occupied the whole of the north-eastern head of the lake, through which issued into the lake the small rivers of Karindwa and Mugera wa Kanigi. 3rd. On the eastern half of the district, at the head of the lake, was Usumbura, governed by Simveh, ally and friend of Warumashanya, extending to the eastern bank of the Rusizi. 4th. Commencing from the western bank of the Rusizi, to the extreme north-western head of the lake, was Mugihewa—Ruhinga’s country. 5th. From Uvira on the west, running north past Mugihewa, and overlapping it on the north side as far as the hills of Chamati, was Ruwenga, also a country governed by Mukamba. Beyond Ruwenga, from the hills of Chamati to the Ruanda River, was the country of Chamati. West of Ruwenga, comprising all the mountains for two days’ journey in that direction, was Uashi. These are the smaller sub-divisions of what is commonly known as Ruwenga and Usige. Ruwenga comprises the countries of Ruwenga and Mugihewa; Usige, the countries of Usumbura, Mukanigi, and Mugere. But all these countries are only part and parcel of Urundi, which comprises all that country bordering the lake from Mshala River, on the eastern shore, to Uvira, on the western, extending over ten days’ journey direct north from the head of the lake, and one month in a northeastern direction to Murukuko, the capital of Mwezi, Sultan of all Urundi. Direct north of Urundi is Ruanda; also a very large country.

The Rusizi River—according to Ruhinga—rose near a lake called Kivo, which he said is as long as from Mugihawa to Mugere, and as broad as from Mugihewa to Warumashanya’s country, or, say eighteen miles in length by about eight in breadth. The lake is surrounded by mountains on the western and northern sides: on the south-western side of one of these mountains issues the Rusizi—at first a small rapid stream; but as it proceeds towards the lake it receives the rivers Kagunissi, Kaburan, Mohira, Nyamagana, Nyakagunda, Ruviro, Rofubu, Kavimvira, Myove, Ruhuha, Mukindu, Sange, Rubirizi, Kiriba, and, lastly, the Ruanda River, which seems to be the largest of them all. Kivo Lake is so called from the country in which it is situated. On one side is Mutumbi (probably the Utumbi of Speke and Baker), on the west is Ruanda; on the east is Urundi. The name of the chief of Kivo is Kwansibura.

After so many minute details about the River Rusizi, it only remained for us to see it. On the second morning of our arrival at Mugihewa we mustered ten strong paddlers, and set out to explore the head of the lake and the mouth of the Rusizi. We found that the northern head of the lake was indented with seven broad bays, each from one and a half to three miles broad; that long broad spits of sand, overgrown with matete, separated each bay from the other. The first, starting from west to east, at the broadest part, to the extreme southern point of Mugihewa, was about three miles broad, and served as a line of demarcation between Mukamba’s district of Ruwenga and Mugihewa of Ruhinga; it was also two miles deep. The second bay was a mile from the southern extremity of Mugihewa to Ruhinga’s village at the head of the bay, and it was a mile across to another spit of sand which was terminated by a small island. The third bay stretched for nearly a mile to a long spit, at the end of which was another island, one and a quarter mile in length, and was the western side of the fourth bay, at the head of which was the delta of the Rusizi. This fourth bay, at its base, was about three miles in depth, and penetrated half a mile further inland than any other. Soundings indicated six feet deep, and the same depth was kept to within a few hundred yards of the principal mouth of the Rusizi. The current was very sluggish; not more than a mile an hour. Though we constantly kept our binocular searching for the river, we could not see the main channel until within 200 yards of it, and then only by watching by what outlet the fishing; canoes came out. The bay at this point had narrowed from two miles to about 200 yards in breadth. Inviting a canoe to show us the way, a small flotilla of canoes preceded us, from the sheer curiosity of their owners. We followed, and in a few minutes were ascending the stream, which was very rapid, though but about ten yards wide, and very shallow; not more than two feet deep. We ascended about half a mile, the current being very strong, from six to eight miles an hour, and quite far enough to observe the nature of the stream at its embouchure. We could see that it widened and spread out in a myriad of channels, rushing by isolated clumps of sedge and matete grass; and that it had the appearance of a swamp. We had ascended the central, or main channel. The western channel was about eight yards broad. We observed, after we had returned to the bay, that the easternmost channel was about six yards broad, and about ten feet deep, but very sluggish. We had thus examined each of its three mouths, and settled all doubts as to the Rusizi being an effluent or influent. It was not necessary to ascend higher, there being nothing about the river itself to repay exploration of it.

The question, “Was the Rusizi an effluent or an influent?” was answered for ever. There was now no doubt any more on that point. In size it was not to be compared with the Malagarazi River, neither is it, or can it be, navigable for anything but the smallest canoes. The only thing remarkable about it is that it abounds in crocodiles, but not one hippopotamus was seen; which may be taken as another evidence of its shallowness. The bays to the east of the Rusizi are of the same conformation as those on the west. Carefully judging from the width of the several bays from point to point, and of the several spits which separate them, the breadth of the lake may be said to be about twelve or fourteen miles. Had we contented ourselves with simply looking at the conformation, and the meeting of the eastern and western ranges, we should have said that the lake ended in a point, as Captain Speke has sketched it on his map. But its exploration dissolved that idea. Chamati Hill is the extreme northern termination of the western range, and seems, upon a superficial examination, to abut against the Ramata mountains of the eastern range, which are opposite Chamati; but a valley about a mile in breadth separates the two ranges, and through this valley the Rusizi flows towards the lake.* Though Chamati terminates the western range, the eastern range continues for miles beyond, north-westerly. After its issue from this broad gorge, the Rusizi runs seemingly in a broad and mighty stream, through a wide alluvial plain, its own formation, in a hundred channels, until, approaching the lake, it flows into it by three channels only, as above described. ______________ * After the patient investigation of the North end of the Lake, and satisfying ourselves by personal observation that the Rusizi ran into the Lake, the native rumor which Sir Samuel Baker brought home that the Tanganika and the Albert N’Yanza have a water connection still finds many believers! ______________

I should not omit to state here, that though the Doctor and I have had to contend against the strong current of the Rusizi River, as it flowed swift and strong INTO the Tanganika, the Doctor still adheres to the conviction that, whatever part the Rusizi plays, there must be an outlet to the Tanganika somewhere, from the fact that all fresh-water lakes have outlets, The Doctor is able to state his opinions and reasons far better than I can find for him; and, lest I misconstrue the subject, I shall leave it until he has an opportunity to explain them himself; which his great knowledge of Africa will enable him to do with advantage.

One thing is evident to me, and I believe to the Doctor, that Sir Samuel Baker will have to curtail the Albert N’Yanza by one, if not two degrees of latitude. That well-known traveller has drawn his lake far into the territory of the Warundi, while Ruanda has been placed on the eastern side; whereas a large portion of it, if not all, should be placed north of what he has designated on his map as Usige. The information of such an intelligent man as Ruhinga is not to be despised; for, if Lake Albert came within a hundred miles of the Tanganika, he would surely have heard of its existence, even if he had not seen it himself. Originally he came from Mutumbi, and he has travelled from that country into Mugihewa, the district he now governs. He has seen Mwezi, the great King of Urundi, and describes him as a man about forty years old, and as a very good man.

Our work was now done; there was nothing more to detain us at Mugihewa. Ruhinga had been exceedingly kind, and given us one ox after another to butcher and eat. Mukamba had done the same. Their women had supplied us with an abundance of milk and butter, and we had now bounteous supplies of both.

The Doctor had taken a series of observations for latitude and longitude; and Mugihewa was made out to be in 3 degrees 19 minutes S. latitude.

On the 7th December, early in the morning, we left Mugihewa, and rowing past the southern extremity of the Katangara Islands, we approached the highlands of Uashi near the boundary line between Mukamba’s country and Uvira. The boundary line is supposed to be a wide ravine, in the depths of which is a grove of tall, beautiful, and straight-stemmed trees, out of which the natives make their canoes.

Passing Kanyamabengu River, which issues into the lake close to the market-ground of Kirabula, the extreme point of Burton and Speke’s explorations of the Tanganika, we steered south along the western shore of the lake for half an hour longer to Kavimba, where we halted to cook breakfast.

The village where lived Mruta, the King of Uvira, was in sight of our encampment, and as we observed parties of men ascending and descending the mountains much more often than we thought augured good to ourselves, we determined to continue on our course south. Besides, there was a party of disconsolate-looking Wajiji here, who had been plundered only a few days before our arrival, for attempting, as the Wavira believed, to evade the honga payment. Such facts as these, and our knowledge of the general state of insecurity in the country, resulting from the many wars in which the districts of the Tanganika were engaged, determined us not to halt at Kavimba.

We embarked quickly in our boat before the Wavira had collected themselves, and headed south against a strong gale, which came driving down on us from the south-west. After a hard pull of about two hours in the teeth of the storm, which was rapidly rising, we pointed the head of the boat into a little quiet cove, almost hidden in tall reeds, and disembarked for the night.

Cognizant of the dangers which surrounded us, knowing, that savage and implacable man was the worst enemy we had to fear, we employed our utmost energies in the construction of a stout fence of thorn bushes, and then sat down to supper after our work was done, and turned in to sleep; but not before we had posted watchmen to guard our canoe, lest the daring thieves of Uvira might abstract it, in which case we should have been in a pretty plight, and in most unenviable distress.

At daybreak, leaving Kukumba Point after our humble breakfast of coffee, cheese, and dourra cakes was despatched, we steered south once more. Our fires had attracted the notice of the sharp-eyed and suspicious fishermen of Kukumba; but our precautions and the vigilant watch we had set before retiring, had proved an effectual safeguard against the Kivira thieves.

The western shores of the lake as we proceeded were loftier, and more bold than the wooded heights of Urundi and bearded knolls of Ujiji. A back ridge—the vanguard of the mountains which rise beyond—disclosed itself between the serrated tops of the front line of mountains, which rose to a height of from 2,500 to 3,000 feet above the lake. Within the folds of the front line of mountains rise isolated hills of considerable magnitude, precipitous and abrupt, but scenically very picturesque. The greater part of these hills have the rounded and smooth top, or are tabularly summited. The ridge enfolding these hills shoots out, at intervals, promontorial projections of gradual sloping outlines, which on the map I have designated capes, or points. When rounding these points, up went our compasses for the taking of bearings, and observing the directions of all prominent objects of interest. Often these capes are formed by the alluvial plains, through which we may be sure a river will be found flowing. These pretty alluvial plains, enfolded on the south, the west, and the north by a grand mountain arc, present most luxurious and enchanting scenery. The vegetation seems to be of spontaneous growth. Groups of the Elaeis Guineansis palm embowering some dun-brown village; an array of majestic, superb growth of mvule trees; a broad extent covered with vivid green sorghum stalks; parachute-like tops of mimosa; a line of white sand, on which native canoes are drawn far above the reach of the plangent, uneasy surf; fishermen idly reclining in the shade of a tree;—these are the scenes which reveal themselves to us as we voyage in our canoe on the Tanganika. When wearied with the romance of wild tropic scenes such as these, we have but to lift our eyes to the great mountain tops looming darkly and grandly on our right; to watch the light pencilling of the cirrus, brushing their summits, as it is drifted toward the north by the rising wind: to watch the changing forms which the clouds assume, from the fleecy horizontal bars of the cirrus, to the denser, gloomier cumulus, prognosticator of storm and rain, which soon settles into a portentous group—Alps above Alps, one above another—and we know the storm which was brewing is at hand, and that it is time to seek shelter.

Passing Muikamba, we saw several groves of the tall mvule tree. As far as Bemba the Wabembe occupy the mountain summits, while the Wavira cultivate the alluvial plains along the base and lower slopes of the mountain. At Bemba we halted to take in pieces of pipe-clay, in accordance with the superstition of the Wajiji, who thought us certain of safe passage and good fortune if we complied with the ancient custom.

Passing Ngovi, we came to a deep bend, which curved off to Cape Kabogi at the distance of ten miles. About two-thirds of the way we arrived at a group of islets, three in number, all very steep and rocky; the largest about 300 feet in length at the base, and about 200 feet in breadth. Here we made preparations to halt for the night. The inhabitants of the island were a gorgeously-feathered old cock, which was kept as a propitiatory offering to the spirit of the island, a sickly yellow-looking thrush, a hammer-headed stork, and two fish-hawks, who, finding we had taken possession of what had been religiously reserved for them, took flight to the most western island, where from their perches they continued to eye us most solemnly. As these islands were with difficulty pronounced by us as Kavunvweh, the Doctor, seeing that they were the only objects we were likely to discover, named them the “‘New York Herald’ Islets;” and, in confirmation of the new designation given them, shook hands with me upon it. Careful dead-reckoning settled them to be in lat. 3 degrees 41 minutes S.

The summit of the largest island was well adapted to take bearings, and we improved the opportunity, as most extensive views of the broad and lengthy lake and surrounding lines of imposing mountains were attainable. The Ramata Hills were clearly visible, and bore N.N.E. from it; Katanga Cape, S.E. by S.; Sentakeyi, E.S.E.; Magala, E. by N.; south-western point of Muzimu bore S., northern point of Muzimu island, S.S.E.

At dawn on the 9th December we prepared to resume our voyage. Once or twice in the night we had been visited by fishermen, but our anxious watchfulness prevented any marauding. It seemed to me, however, that the people of the opposite shore, who were our visitors, were eagerly watching an opportunity to pounce upon our canoe, or take us bodily for a prey; and our men were considerably affected by these thoughts, if we may judge from the hearty good-will with which they rowed away from our late encampment.

Arriving at Cape Kabogi, we came to the territory of the Wasansi. We knew we were abreast of a different tribe by the greeting “Moholo,” which a group of fishermen gave us; as that of the Wavira was “Wake,” like that of Urundi, Usige, and Uhha.

We soon sighted Cape Luvumba—a sloping projection of a mountain ridge which shot far into the lake. As a storm was brewing, we steered for a snug little cove that appeared before a village; and, drawing our canoe from the water, began to set the tent, and make other preparations for passing the night.

As the natives appeared quiet and civil enough, we saw no reason to suspect that they entertained any hostility to Arabs and Wangwana. Accordingly we had our breakfast cooked, and as usual laid down for an afternoon nap. I soon fell asleep, and was dreaming away in my tent, in happy oblivion of the strife and contention that had risen since I had gone to sleep, when I heard a voice hailing me with, “Master, master! get up, quick. Here is a fight going to begin!” I sprang up, and snatching my revolver belt from the gun-stand, walked outside. Surely, there appeared to be considerable animus between the several factions; between a noisy, vindictive-looking set of natives of the one part, and our people of the other part. Seven or eight of our people had taken refuge behind the canoe, and had their loaded guns half pointing at the passionate mob, which was momentarily increasing in numbers, but I could not see the Doctor anywhere.

“Where is the Doctor?” I asked.

“He has gone over that hill, sir, with his compass,” said Selim.

“有人和他在一起吗？”

“Susi and Chumah.”

“You, Bombay, send two men off to warn the Doctor, and tell him to hurry up here.”

But just at this period the Doctor and his two men appeared on the brow of the hill, looking down in a most complacent manner upon the serio-comic scene that the little basin wherein we were encamped presented. For, indeed, despite the serious aspect of it, there was much that was comical blended with it—in a naked young man who—perfectly drunk, barely able to stand on his feet—was beating the ground with his only loin-cloth, screaming and storming away like a madman; declaring by this, and by that, in his own choice language, that no Mgwana or Arab should halt one moment on the sacred soil of Usansi. His father, the Sultan, was as inebriated as himself, though not quite so violent in his behaviour. In the meantime the Doctor arrived upon the scene, and Selim had slipped my Winchester rifle, with the magazine full of cartridges, into my hand. The Doctor calmly asked what was the matter, and was answered by the Wajiji guides that the people wished us to leave, as they were on hostile terms with the Arabs, because the eldest son of the Sultan of Muzimu, the large island nearly opposite, had been beaten to death by a Baluch, named Khamis, at Ujiji, because the young fellow had dared look into his harem, and ever since peace had been broken between the Wasansi and Arabs.

After consulting with the guides, the Doctor and I came to the conclusion that it were better that we should endeavour to pacify the Sultan by a present, rather than take offence at a drunken boy’s extravagant freak. In his insane fury he had attempted to slash at one of my men with a billhook he carried. This had been taken as a declaration of hostilities, and the soldiers were ready enough to engage in war; but there was no necessity to commence fighting with a drunken mob, who could have been cleared off the ground with our revolvers alone had we desired it.

The Doctor, baring his arm, said to them that he was not a Mgwana, or an Arab; but a white man; that Arabs and Wangwana had no such colour as we had. We were white men, different people altogether from those whom they were accustomed to see: that no black men had ever suffered injury from white men. This seemed to produce great effect, for after a little gentle persuasion the drunken youth, and his no less inebriate sire, were induced to sit down to talk quietly. In their conversation with us, they frequently referred to Mombo, the son of Kisesa, Sultan of Muzimu, who was brutally murdered. “Yes, brutally murdered!” they exclaimed several times, in their own tongue; illustrating, by a faithful pantomime, how the unfortunate youth had died.

Livingstone continued talking with them in a mild, paternal way, and their loud protestations against Arab cruelty were about to subside, when the old Sultan suddenly rose up and began to pace about in an excited manner, and in one of his perambulations deliberately slashed his leg with the sharp blade of his spear, and then exclaimed that the Wangwana had wounded him!

At this cry one half of the mob hastily took to flight, but one old woman, who carried a strong staff with a carved lizard’s body on its top, commenced to abuse the chief with all the power of her voluble tongue, charging him with a desire to have them all killed, and other women joined in with her in advising him to be quiet, and accept the present we were willing to give.

But it is evident that there was little needed to cause all men present in that little hollow to begin a most sanguinary strife. The gentle, patient bearing of the Doctor had more effect than anything else in making all forbear bloodshed, while there was left the least chance of an amicable settlement, and in the end it prevailed. The Sultan and his son were both sent on their way rejoicing.

While the Doctor conversed with them, and endeavoured to calm their fierce passions, I had the tent struck, and the canoes launched, and the baggage stowed, and when the negotiations had concluded amicably, I begged the Doctor to jump into the boat, as this apparent peace was simply a lull before a storm; besides, said I, there are two or three cowardly creatures in the boat, who, in case of another disturbance, would not scruple to leave both of us here.

From Cape Luvumba, about 4.30 P.M. we commenced pulling across; at 8 P.M. we were abreast of Cape Panza, the northern extremity of the island of Muzimu; at 6 A.M. we were southward of Bikari, and pulling for Mukungu, in Urundi, at which place we arrived at 10 A.M., having been seventeen hours and a half in crossing the lake, which, computing at two miles an hour, may be said to be thirty-five miles direct breadth, and a little more than forty-three miles from Cape Luvumba.

On the 11th of December, after seven hours’ pulling, we arrived at picturesque Zassi again; on the 12th, at the pretty cove of Niasanga; and at 11 A.M. we had rounded past Bangwe, and Ujiji was before us.

We entered the port very quietly, without the usual firing of guns, as we were short of powder and ball. As we landed, our soldiers and the Arab magnates came to the water’s edge to greet us.

Mabruki had a rich budget to relate to us, of what had occurred during our absence. This faithful man, left behind in charge of Livingstone’s house, had done most excellently. Kalulu had scalded himself, and had a frightful raw sore on his chest in consequence. Mabruki had locked up Marora in chains for wounding one of the asses. Bilali, the stuttering coward, a bully of women, had caused a tumult in the market-place, and had been sharply belaboured with the stick by Mabruki. And, above all most welcome, was a letter I received from the American Consul at Zanzibar, dated June 11th, containing telegrams from Paris as late as April 22nd of the same year! Poor Livingstone exclaimed, “And I have none. What a pleasant thing it is to have a real and good friend!”

Our voyage on the Tanganika had lasted twenty-eight days, during which time we had traversed over 300 miles of water.

We felt quite at home when we sat down on our black bear-skin, gay Persian carpet and clean new mats, to rest with our backs to the wall, sipping our tea with the air of comfortable men, and chat over the incidents of the “picnic,” as Livingstone persisted in calling our journey to the Rusizi. It seemed as if old times, which we loved to recall, had come back again, though our house was humble enough in its aspect, and our servants were only naked barbarians; but it was near this house that I had met him—Livingstone—after that eventful march from Unyanyembe; it was on this same veranda that I listened to that wonderful story of his about those far, enchanting regions west of the Lake Tanganika; it was in this same spot that I first became acquainted with him; and ever since my admiration has been growing for him, and I feel elated when he informs me that he must go to Unyanyembe under my escort, and at my expense. The old mud walls and the bare rafters, and the ancient thatched roof, and this queer-looking old veranda, will have an historical interest for me while I live, and so, while I can, I have taken pains and immortalized the humble old building by a sketch.

I have just said that my admiration for Livingstone has been growing. This is true. The man that I was about to interview so calmly and complacently, as I would interview any prominent man with the view of specially delineating his nature, or detailing his opinions, has conquered me. I had intended to interview him, report in detail what he said, picture his life and his figure, then bow him my “au revoir,” and march back. That he was specially disagreeable and brusque in his manner, which would make me quarrel with him immediately, was firmly fixed in my mind.

But Livingstone—true, noble Christian, generous-hearted, frank man—acted like a hero, invited me to his house, said he was glad to see me, and got well on purpose to prove the truth of his statement, “You have brought new life unto me;” and when I fell sick with the remittent fever, hovering between life and death, he attended me like a father, and we have now been together for more than a month.

Can you wonder, then, that I like this man, whose face is the reflex of his nature, whose heart is essentially all goodness, whose aims are so high, that I break out impetuously sometimes: “But your family, Doctor, they would like to see you, oh! so much. Let me tempt you to come home with me. I promise to carry you every foot of the way to the coast. You shall have the finest donkey to ride that is in Unyanyembe. Your wants—you have but to hint them, and they shall be satisfied. Let the sources of the Nile go—do you come home and rest; then, after a year’s rest, and restored health, you can return and finish what you have to do.”

But ever the answer was, “No, I should like to see my family very much indeed. My children’s letters affect me intensely; but I must not go home; I must finish my task. It is only the want of supplies that has detained me. I should have finished the discovery of the Nile by this, by tracing it to its connection with either Baker’s Lake, or Petherick’s branch of the Nile. If I had only gone one month further, I could have said, ‘the work is done.”‘

Some of these men who had turned the Doctor back from his interesting discoveries were yet in Ujiji, and had the Government Enfield rifles in their hands, which they intended to retain until their wages had been paid to them; but as they had received $60 advance each at Zanzibar from the English Consul, with the understanding entered into by contract that they should follow their master wherever he required them to go; and as they had not only not gone where they were required to proceed with him, but had baffled and thwarted him, it was preposterous that a few men should triumph over the Doctor, by keeping the arms given to him by the Bombay Government. I had listened to the Arab sheikhs, friends of the Doctor, advising them in mild tones to give them up; I had witnessed the mutineer’s stubbornness; and it was then, on the burzani of Sayd bin Majid’s house, that I took advantage to open my mind on the subject, not only for the benefit of the stubborn slaves, but also for the benefit of the Arabs; and to tell them that it was well that I had found Livingstone alive, for if they had but injured a hair of his head, I should have gone back to the coast, to return with a party which would enable me to avenge him. I had been waiting to see Livingstone’s guns returned to him every day, hoping that I should not have to use force; but when a month or more had elapsed, and still the arms had not been returned, I applied for permission to take them, which was granted. Susi, the gallant servant of Dr. Livingstone, was immediately despatched with about a dozen armed men to recover them, and in a few minutes we had possession of them without further trouble.

The Doctor had resolved to accompany me to Unyanyembe, in order to meet his stores, which had been forwarded from Zanzibar, November 1st, 1870. As I had charge of the escort, it was my duty to study well the several routes to Unyanyembe from Ujiji. I was sufficiently aware of the difficulties and the responsibilities attached to me while escorting such a man. Besides, my own personal feelings were involved in the case. If Livingstone came to any harm through any indiscretion of mine while he was with me, it would immediately be said, “Ah! had he not accompanied Stanley, he would have been alive now.”

I took out my chart—the one I had made myself—in which I had perfect faith, and I sketched out a route which would enable us to reach Unyanyembe without paying a single cloth as tribute, and without encountering any worse thing than a jungle, by which we could avoid all the Wavinza and the plundering Wahha. This peaceable, secure route led by water, south, along the coast of Ukaranga and Ukawendi, to Cape Tongwe. Arriving at Cape Tongwe, I should be opposite the village of Itaga, Sultan Imrera, in the district of Rusawa of Ukawendi; after which we should strike my old road, which I had traversed from Unyanyembe, when bound for Ujiji. I explained it to the Doctor, and he instantly recognised its feasibility and security; and if I struck Imrera, as I proposed to do, it would demonstrate whether my chart was correct or not.

We arrived at Ujiji from our tour of discovery, north of the Tanganika, December 13th; and from this date the Doctor commenced writing his letters to his numerous friends, and to copy into his mammoth Letts’s Diary, from his field books, the valuable information he had acquired during his years of travel south and west of the Tanganika. I sketched him while sitting in his shirt-sleeves in the veranda, with his Letts’s Diary on his knee; and the likeness on the frontispiece is an admirable portrait of him, because the artist who has assisted me, has with an intuitive eye, seen the defects in my own sketch; and by this I am enabled to restore him to the reader’s view exactly as I saw him—as he pondered on what he had witnessed during his long marches.

Soon after my arrival at Ujiji, he had rushed to his paper, and indited a letter to James Gordon Bennett, Esq., wherein he recorded his thanks; and after he had finished it, I asked him to add the word “Junior” to it, as it was young Mr. Bennett to whom he was indebted. I thought the letter admirable, and requested the Doctor not to add another word to it. The feelings of his heart had found expression in the grateful words he had written; and if I judged Mr. Bennett rightly, I knew he would be satisfied with it. For it was not the geographical news he cared so much about, as the grand fact of Livingstone’s being alive or dead.

In this latter part of December he was writing letters to his children, to Sir Roderick Murchison, and to Lord Granville. He had intended to have written to the Earl of Clarendon, but it was my sad task to inform him of the death of that distinguished nobleman.

In the meantime I was preparing the Expedition for its return march to Unyanyembe, apportioning the bales and luggage, the Doctor’s large tin boxes, and my own among my own men; for I had resolved upon permitting the Doctor’s men to march as passengers, because they had so nobly performed their duty to their master.

Sayd bin Majid had left, December 12, for Mirambo’s country, to give the black Bonaparte battle for the murder of his son Soud in the forests of Wilyankuru; and he had taken with him 300 stout fellows, armed with guns, from Ujiji. The stout-hearted old chief was burning with rage and resentment, and a fine warlike figure he made with his 7-foot gun. Before we had departed for the Rusizi, I had wished him bon voyage, and expressed a hope that he would rid the Central African world of the tyrant Mirambo.

On the 20th of December the rainy season was ushered in with heavy rain, thunder, lightning, and hail; the thermometer falling to 66 degrees Fahrenheit. The evening of this day I was attacked with urticaria, or “nettle rash,” for the third time since arriving in Africa, and I suffered a woeful sickness; and it was the forerunner of an attack of remittent fever, which lasted four days. This is the malignant type, which has proved fatal to so many African travellers on the Zambezi, the White Nile, the Congo, and the Niger. The head throbs, the pulses bound, the heart struggles painfully, while the sufferer’s thoughts are in a strange world, such only as a sick man’s fancy can create. This was the fourth attack of fever since the day I met Livingstone. The excitement of the march, and the high hope which my mind constantly nourished, had kept my body almost invincible against an attack of fever while advancing towards Ujiji; but two weeks after the great event had transpired my energies were relaxed, my mind was perfectly tranquil, and I became a victim.

Christmas came, and the Doctor and I had resolved upon the blessed and time-honoured day being kept as we keep it in Anglo-Saxon lands, with a feast such as Ujiji could furnish us. The fever had quite gone from me the night before, and on Christmas morning, though exceedingly weak, I was up and dressed, and lecturing Ferajji, the cook, upon the importance of this day to white men, and endeavouring to instil into the mind of the sleek and pampered animal some cunning secrets of the culinary art. Fat broad-tailed sheep, goats, zogga and pombe, eggs, fresh milk, plantains, singwe, fine cornflour, fish, onions, sweet potatoes, &c., &c., were procured in the Ujiji market, and from good old Moeni Kheri. But, alas! for my weakness. Ferajji spoiled the roast, and our custard was burned—the dinner was a failure. That the fat-brained rascal escaped a thrashing was due only to my inability to lift my hands for punishment; but my looks were dreadful and alarming, and capable of annihilating any one except Ferajji. The stupid, hard-headed cook only chuckled, and I believe he had the subsequent gratification of eating the pies, custards, and roast that his carelessness had spoiled for European palates.

Sayd bin Majid, previous to his departure, had left orders that we should be permitted to use his canoe for our homeward trip, and Moeni Kheri kindly lent his huge vessel for the same purpose. The Expedition, now augmented by the Doctor and his five servants, and their luggage, necessitated the employment of another canoe. We had our flocks of milch-goats and provision of fat sheep for the jungle of Ukawendi, the transit of which I was about to attempt. Good Halimah, Livingstone’s cook, had made ready a sackful of fine flour, such as she only could prepare in her fond devotion for her master. Hamoydah, her husband, also had freely given his assistance and attention to this important article of food. I purchased a donkey for the Doctor, the only one available in Ujiji, lest the Doctor might happen to suffer on the long march from his ancient enemy. In short, we were luxuriously furnished with food, sheep, goats, cheese, cloth, donkeys, and canoes, sufficient to convey us a long distance; we needed nothing more.

The 27th of December has arrived; it is the day of our departure from Ujiji. I was probably about to give an eternal farewell to the port whose name will for ever be sacred in my memory. The canoes—great lumbering hollow trees—are laden with good things; the rowers are in their places; the flag of England is hoisted at the stern of the Doctor’s canoe; the flag of America waves and rustles joyously above mine; and I cannot look at them without feeling a certain pride that the two Anglo-Saxon nations are represented this day on this great inland sea, in the face of wild nature and barbarism.

We are escorted to our boats by the great Arab merchants, by the admiring children of Unyamwezi, by the freemen of Zanzibar, by wondering Waguhha and Wajiji, by fierce Warundi, who are on this day quiet, even sorrowful, that the white men are going-“Whither?” they all ask.

At 8 A.M. we start, freely distributing our farewells as the Arabs and quidnuncs wave their hands. On the part of one or two of them there was an attempt to say something sentimental and affecting, especially by the convicted sinner Mohammed bin Sali; but though outwardly I manifested no disapprobation of his words, or of the emphatic way in which he shook my hand, I was not sorry to see the last of him, after his treachery to Livingstone in 1869. I was earnestly requested to convey to Unyanyembe “Mengi salaams” to everybody, but had I done so, as he evidently desired me to do, I would not have been surprised at being regarded by all as hopelessly imbecile.

We pushed off from the clayey bank at the foot of the market-place, while the land party, unencumbered with luggage, under the leadership of gigantic Asmani and Bombay, commenced their journey southward along the shores of the lake. We had arranged to meet them at the mouth of every river to transport them across from bank to bank.

The Doctor being in Sayd bin Majid’s boat, which was a third or so shorter than the one under my command, took the lead, with the British flag, held aloft by a bamboo, streaming behind like a crimson meteor. My boat-manned by Wajiji sailors, whom we had engaged to take the canoes back from Tongwe Cape to Ujiji Bunder—came astern, and had a much taller flagstaff, on which was hoisted the ever-beautiful Stars and Stripes. Its extreme height drew from the Doctor—whose patriotism and loyalty had been excited—the remark that he would cut down the tallest palmyra for his flagstaff, as it was not fitting that the British flag should be so much lower than that of the United States.

Our soldiers were not a whit behind us in lightheartedness at the thought of going to Unyanyembe. They struck up the exhilarating song of the Zanzibar boatmen, with the ecstatic chorus—

Kinan de re re Kitunga,

rowing away like madmen, until they were compelled to rest from sheer exhaustion, while the perspiration exuded from the pores of their bodies in streams. When refreshed, they bent back to their oars, raising the song of the Mrima—

O mama, re de mi Ky,

which soon impelled them to an extravagant effort again, It was by this series of ferocious spurts, racing, shouting, singing, perspiring, laughing, groaning, and puffing, that our people vented their joyous feelings, as the thought filled their minds that we were homeward bound, and that by the route I had adopted between us and Unyanyembe there was not the least danger.

We have given the Waha, the slip! ha, ha!
The Wavinza will trouble us no more! ho! ho!
Mionvu can get no more cloth from us! by,by!
And Kiala will see us no more—-never more! he, he!

they shouted with wild bursts of laughter, seconded by tremendous and rapid strokes with their oars, which caused the stiff old canoes to quiver from stem to stern.

Our party ashore seemed to partake of our excitement, and joined in the wild refrain of the mad African song. We watched them urging their steps forward to keep pace with us, as we rounded the capes and points, and rowed across the bays whose margins were sedge, and rush, and reed; the tiny and agile Kalulu, little Bilali, and Majwara were seen racing the herds of goats, sheep, and donkeys which belonged to the caravan, and the animals even seemed to share the general joy.

Nature, also—proud, wild nature-0-with the lofty azure dome upheaved into infinity—with her breadth and depth of vivid greenness and enormous vastness on our left—with her immense sheet of bright, glancing water—with her awful and intense serenity—she partook of and added to our joy.

About 10 A.M. we arrived at Kirindo’s, an old chief, noted for his singular kindness to Dr. Livingstone, while he bore animosity to the Arabs. To the Arabs this was unaccountable—to the Doctor it was plain: he had but spoken kind and sincere words, while all the Arabs spoke to him as if he were not even a man, least of all a chief.

Kirindo’s place is at the mouth of the Liuche, which is very wide; the river oozes out through a forest of eschinomenae (pith tree). This was a rendezvous agreed upon between shore and lake parties, that the canoes might all cross to the other side, distant a mile and a half. The mouth of the Liuche forms the Bay of Ukaranga, so named because on the other side, whither we were about to cross our party, was situated the village of Ukaranga, a few hundred yards from the lake. All the baggage was taken out of the largest canoe, and stowed snugly in the smaller one, and a few select oarsmen having taken seats, pushed off with the Doctor on board, who was to superintend pitching the encampment at Ukaranga; while I remained behind to bind the fractious and ill-natured donkeys, and stow them away in the bottom of the large canoe, that no danger of upsetting might be incurred, and a consequent gobbling-up by hungry crocodiles, which were all about us waiting their opportunity. The flock of goats were then embarked, and as many of our people as could be got in. About thirty still remained behind with myself, for whom my canoe was to return.

We all arrived safe at Ukaranga, though we got dangerously near a herd of hippopotami. The crossing of the wide mouth (the Liuche being then in flood) was effected in about four hours.

The next day, in the same order as on our departure from Ujiji, we pursued our way south, the lake party keeping as closely as possible to the shore, yet, when feasible, wind and weather permitting, we struck off boldly across the numerous small bays which indent the shores of the Tanganika. The shores were beautifully green, the effect of the late rains; the waters of the lake were a faithful reflex of the blue firmament above. The hippopotami were plentiful. Those noticed on this day were coloured with reddish rings round the base of their ears and on the neck. One monster, coming up rather late, was surprised by the canoe making full for him, and in great fright took a tremendous dive which showed the whole length of his body. Half way between the mouth of the Malagarazi and that of the Liuche we saw a camp on shore—that of Mohammed bin Gharib, a Msawahili, who figured often in Livingstone’s verbal narrative to me of his adventures and travels as one of the kindest and best of the Moslems in Central Africa. He appeared to me a kindly disposed man, with a face seldom seen, having the stamp of an unusual characteristic on it—that of sincerity.

The vegetation of the shores as we proceeded was truly tropical, each curve revealed new beauties. With the soft chalky stone, of which most of the cliffs and bluffs are made, seen as we neared the mouth of the Malagarazi, the surf has played strange freaks.

We arrived at the mouth of the Malagarazi about P.M., having rowed eighteen miles from Ukaranga. The shore party arrived, very much fatigued, about 5 P.M.

The next day was employed in crossing the caravan across the broad mouth of the Malagarazi to our camp, a couple of miles north of the river. This is a river which a civilised community would find of immense advantage for shortening the distance between the Tanganika and the coast. Nearly one hundred miles might be performed by this river, which is deep enough at all seasons to allow navigation as far as Kiala, in Uvinza, whence a straight road might be easily made to Unyanyembe. Missionaries also might reap the same benefit from it for conversion-tours to Uvinza, Uhha, and Ugala. Pursuing our way on the 30th, and rounding the picturesque capes of Kagongo, Mviga and Kivoe, we came, after about three hours’ rowing, in sight of villages at the mouth of the swift and turbid Rugufu. Here we had again to transport the caravan ever the crocodile-infested mouth of the river.

On the morning of the 31st we sent a canoe with men to search for food in the two or three villages that were visible on the other side. Four doti purchased just sufficient for four days for our caravan of forty-eight persons. We then got under weigh, having informed the kirangozi that Urimba was our destination, and bidding him keep as closely as possible to the lake shore, where it was practicable, but if not, to make the best he could of it. From the debouchement of the Rugufu, the headwaters of which we had crossed on our random route to Ujiji, to Urimba, a distance of six days by water, there are no villages, and consequently no food. The shore party, however, before leaving Ujiji, had eight days’ rations, and on this morning four days’, distributed to each person, and therefore was in no danger of starvation should the mountain headlands, now unfolding, abrupt and steep, one after another, prevent them from communicating with us. It must be understood that such a journey as this had never been attempted before by any Arab or Msawahili, and every step taken was in sheer ignorance of where the road would lead the men ashore. Rounding Kivoe’s steep promontory, whose bearded ridge and rugged slope, wooded down to the water’s edge, whose exquisite coves and quiet recesses, might well have evoked a poetical effusion to one so inclined, we dared the chopping waves of Kivoe’s bay, and stood direct for the next cape, Mizohazy, behind which, owing to wind and wave, we were compelled to halt for the night.

After Mizohazy is the bold cape of Kabogo—not the terrible Kabogo around whose name mystery has been woven by the superstitious natives—not the Kabogo whose sullen thunder and awful roar were heard when crossing the Rugufu on our flight from the Wahha—-but a point in Ukaranga, on whose hard and uninviting rocks many a canoe has been wrecked. We passed close to its forbidding walls, thankful for the calm of the Tanganika. Near Kabogo are some very fine mvule trees, well adapted for canoe building, and there are no loud-mouthed natives about to haggle for the privilege of cutting them.

Along the water’s edge, and about three feet above it, was observed very clearly on the smooth face of the rocky slopes of Kabogo the high-water mark of the lake. This went to show that the Tanganika, during the rainy season, rises about three feet above its dry season level, and that, during the latter season, evaporation reduces it to its normal level. The number of rivers which we passed on this journey enabled me to observe whether, as I was told, there was any current setting north. It was apparent to me that, while the south-west, south, or south-east winds blew, the brown flood of the rivers swept north; but it happened that, while passing, once or twice, the mouths of rivers, after a puff from the north-west and north, that the muddied waters were seen southward of the mouths; from which I conclude that there is no current in the Tanganika except such as is caused by the fickle wind.

Finding a snug nook of a bay at a place called Sigunga, we put in for lunch. An island at the mouth of the bay suggested to our minds that this was a beautiful spot for a mission station; the grandly sloping hills in the background, with an undulating shelf of land well-wooded between them and the bay, added to the attractions of such a spot. The island, capable of containing quite a large village, and perfectly defensible, might, for prudence’ sake, contain the mission and its congregation; the landlocked bay would protect their fishery and trade vessels; more than sustain a hundred times the number of the population of the island. Wood for building their canoes and houses is close at hand; the neighbouring country would afford game in abundance; and the docile and civil people of Ukaranga but wait religious shepherds.

From beautiful Sigunga, after a brief halt, we set off, and, after three hours, arrived at the mouth of the River Uwelasia. Hippopotami and crocodiles being numerous; we amused ourselves by shooting at them, having also a hope of attracting the attention of our shore party, the sound of whose guns we had not heard since leaving the Rugufu.

On the 3rd of January we left Uwelasia, and, passing by Cape Herembe, were in the bay of Tongwe. This bay is about twenty-five miles broad, and stretches from Cape Herembe to Cape Tongwe. Finding themselves so near their destination, Urimba being but six miles from Herembe Point, the men of both boats bent themselves to their oars, and, with shouts, songs, and laughter, encouraged each other to do their utmost. The flags of the two great Anglo-Saxon nations rippled and played in the soft breeze, sometimes drawing near caressingly together, again bending away, like two lovers coy to unite. The tight little boat of the Doctor would keep ahead, and the crimson and crossed flag of England would wave before me, and it seemed to say to the beautiful laggard astern, “Come on, come on; England leads the way.” But was it not England’s place to be in the front here? She won the right to it by discovering the Tanganika; America came but second.

Urimba, though a large district of Kawendi, has a village of the same name peopled by refugees from Yombeh, who found the delta of the Loajeri, though the unhealthiest of spots—equal to that of the Rusizi—far preferable to the neighbourhood of Sultan Pumburu, of Southern Kawendi. A good chase by the victors seems to have given a shock to their systems, for they are very timid and distrustful of strangers, and would by no means permit us to enter their village, of which, to say the truth, I was very glad, after a glance at the reeking corruption on which they were encamped. In the immediate neighbourhood—nay, for a couple of miles on either side—I should suppose that to a white man it were death to sleep a single night. Leading the way south of the village, I found a fit camping-place at the extreme south-east corner of Tongwe Bay, about a mile and a half due west of the lofty peak of Kivanga, or Kakungu. By an observation taken by the Doctor, we found ourselves to be in latitude 5 degrees 54 minutes south.

None of the natives had heard of our shore party, and, as the delta of the Loajeri and Mogambazi extended for about fifteen miles, and withal was the most impassable of places, being perfectly flat, overgrown with the tallest of matete, eschinomenae, and thorny bush, and flooded with water, it was useless to fatigue our men searching for the shore party in such an inhospitable country. No provisions were procurable, for the villages were in a state of semi-starvation, the inhabitants living from hand to mouth on what reluctant Fortune threw into their nets.

The second day of our arrival at Urimba I struck off into the interior with my gun-bearer, Kalulu, carrying the Doctor’s splendid double-barreled rifle (a Reilly, No. 12), on the search for venison. After walking about a mile I came to a herd of zebras. By creeping on all-fours I managed to come within one hundred yards of them; but I was in a bad spot—low prickly shrubs; and tsetse flies alighting on the rifle-sight, biting my nose, and dashing into my eyes, completely disconcerted me; and, to add to my discontent, my efforts to disengage myself from the thorns, alarmed the zebras, which all stood facing the suspicious object in the bush. I fired at the breast of one, but, as might be expected, missed. The zebras galloped away to about three hundred yards off, and I dashed into the open, and, hastily cocking the left-hand trigger, aimed at a proud fellow trotting royally before his fellows, and by good chance sent a bullet through his heart. A fortunate shot also brought down a huge goose, which had a sharp horny spur on the fore part of each wing. This supply of meat materially contributed towards the provisioning of the party for the transit of the unknown land that lay between us and Mrera, in Rusawa, Kawendi.

It was not until the third day of our arrival at our camp at Urimba that our shore party arrived. They had perceived our immense flag hoisted on a twenty-feet long bamboo above the tallest tree near our camp as they surmounted the sharp lofty ridge behind Nerembe, fifteen miles off, and had at first taken it for a huge bird; but there were sharp eyes in the crowd, and, guided by it, they came to camp, greeted as only lost and found men are greeted.

I suffered from another attack of fever at this camp, brought on by the neighbourhood of the vile delta, the look of which sickened the very heart in me.

On the 7th of January we struck camp, and turned our faces eastward, and for me, home! Yet regretfully! There had been enough happiness and pleasure, and pleasantest of social companionship found on the shores of the lake for me. I had seen enough lovely scenes which, siren-like, invited one to quiet rest; gentle scenes, where there was neither jar nor tumult, neither strife nor defeat, neither hope nor disappointment, but rest-a drowsy, indolent, yet pleasant rest. And only a few drawbacks to these. There was fever; there were no books, no newspapers, no wife of my own race and blood, no theatres, no hotels, no restaurants, no East River oysters, no mince-pies, neither buckwheat cakes, nor anything much that was good for a cultivated palate to love. So, in turning to say farewell to the then placid lake and the great blue mountains, that grew bluer as they receded on either hand, I had the courage to utter that awful word tearlessly, and without one sigh.

Our road led up through the valley of the Loajeri, after leaving its delta, a valley growing ever narrower, until it narrowed into a ravine choked by the now roaring, bellowing river, whose resistless rush seemed to affect the very air we breathed. It was getting oppressive, this narrowing ravine, and opportunely the road breasted a knoll, then a terrace, then a hill, and lastly a mountain, where we halted to encamp. As we prepared to select a camping-place, the Doctor silently pointed forward, and suddenly a dead silence reigned everywhere. The quinine which I had taken in the morning seemed to affect me in every crevice of my brain; but a bitter evil remained, and, though I trembled under the heavy weight of the Reilly rifle, I crept forward to where the Doctor was pointing. I found myself looking down a steep ravine, on the other bank of which a fine buffalo cow was scrambling upward. She had just reached the summit, and was turning round to survey her enemy, when I succeeded in planting a shot just behind the shoulder blade, and close to the spine, evoking from her a deep bellow of pain. “She is shot! she is shot!” exclaimed the Doctor; “that is a sure sign you have hit her.” And the men even raised a shout at the prospect of meat. A second, planted in her spine, brought her to her knees, and a third ended her. We thus had another supply of provisions, which, cut up and dried over a fire, as the Wangwana are accustomed to do, would carry them far over the unpeopled wilderness before us. For the Doctor and myself, we had the tongue, the hump, and a few choice pieces salted down, and in a few days had prime corned beef. It is not inapt to state that the rifle had more commendations bestowed on it than the hunter by the Wangwana.

The next day we continued the march eastward, under the guidance of our kirangozi; but it was evident, by the road he led us, that he knew nothing of the country, though, through his volubility, he had led us to believe that he knew all about Ngondo, Yombeh, and Pumburu’s districts. When recalled from the head of the caravan, we were about to descend into the rapid Loajeri, and beyond it were three ranges of impassable mountains, which we were to cross in a north-easterly direction; quite out of our road. After consulting with the Doctor, I put myself at the head of the caravan, and following the spine of the ridge, struck off due east, regardless of how the road ran. At intervals a travelled road crossed our path, and, after following it a while, we came to the ford of the Loajeri. The Loajeri rises south and south-east of Kakungu Peak. We made the best we could of the road after crossing the river, until we reached the main path that runs from Karah to Ngondo and Pumburu, in Southern Kawendi.

On the 9th, soon after leaving camp, we left the travelled path, and made for a gap in the are of hills before us, as Pumburu was at war with the people of Manya Msenge, a district of northern Kawendi. The country teemed with game, the buffaloes and zebras were plentiful. Among the conspicuous trees were the hyphene and borassus palm trees, and a tree bearing a fruit about the size of a 600-pounder cannon-ball, called by some natives “mabyah,”* according to the Doctor, the seeds of which are roasted and eaten. They are not to be recommended as food to Europeans.

* In the Kisawahili tongue, “mabyah,” “mbyah, “byah,” mean
bad, unpleasant.

On the 10th, putting myself at the head of my men, with my compass in hand, I led the way east for three hours. A beautiful park-land was revealed to us; but the grass was very tall, and the rainy season, which had commenced in earnest, made my work excessively disagreeable. Through this tall grass, which was as high as my throat, I had to force my way, compass in hand, to lead the Expedition, as there was not the least sign of a road, and we were now in an untravelled country. We made our camp on a beautiful little stream flowing north; one of the feeders of the Rugufu River.

The 11th still saw me plunging through the grass, which showered drops of rain on me every time I made a step forward. In two hours we crossed a small stream, with slippery syenitic rocks in its bed, showing the action of furious torrents. Mushrooms were in abundance, and very large. In crossing, an old pagazi of Unyamwezi, weather-beaten, uttered, in a deplorable tone, “My kibuyu is dead;” by which he meant that he had slipped, and in falling had broken his gourd, which in Kisawahili is “kibuyu.”

On the eastern bank we halted for lunch, and, after an hour and a half’s march, arrived at another stream, which I took to be the Mtambu, at first from the similarity of the land, though my map informed me that it was impossible. The scenery around was very similar, and to the north we had cited a similar tabular hill to the “Magdala” Mount I had discovered north of Imrera, while going to the Malagarazi. Though we had only travelled three and a half hours the Doctor was very tired as the country was exceedingly rough.

The next day, crossing several ranges, with glorious scenes of surpassing beauty everywhere around us, we came in view of a mighty and swift torrent, whose bed was sunk deep between enormous lofty walls of sandstone rock, where it roared and brawled with the noise of a little Niagara.

Having seen our camp prepared on a picturesque knoll, I thought I would endeavour to procure some meat, which this interesting region seemed to promise. I sallied out with my little Winchester along the banks of the river eastward. I travelled for an hour or two, the prospect getting more picturesque and lovely, and then went up a ravine which looked very promising. Unsuccessful, I strode up the bank, and my astonishment may be conceived when I found myself directly in front of an elephant, who had his large broad ears held out like studding sails—the colossal monster, the incarnation of might of the African world. Methought when I saw his trunk stretched forward, like a warning finger, that I heard a voice say, “Siste, Venator!” But whether it did not proceed from my imagination or—No; I believe it proceeded from Kalulu, who must have shouted, “Tembo, tembo! bana yango!” “Lo! an elephant! an elephant, my master!”

For the young rascal had fled as soon as he had witnessed the awful colossus in such close vicinage. Recovering from my astonishment, I thought it prudent to retire also—especially, with a pea-shooter loaded with treacherous sawdust cartridges in my hand. As I looked behind, I saw him waving his trunk, which I understood to mean, “Good-bye, young fellow; it is lucky for you you went in time, for I was going to pound you to a jelly.”

As I was congratulating myself, a wasp darted fiercely at me and planted its sting in my neck, and for that afternoon my anticipated pleasures were dispelled. Arriving at camp I found the men grumbling; their provisions were ended, and there was no prospect for three days, at least, of procuring any. With the improvidence usual with the gluttons, they had eaten their rations of grain, all their store of zebra and dried buffalo meat, and were now crying out that they were famished.

The tracks of animals were numerous, but it being the rainy season the game was scattered everywhere; whereas, had we travelled during the dry season through these forests our larders might have been supplied fresh each day.

Some time about 6 P.M., as the Doctor and I were taking our tea outside the tent, a herd of elephants, twelve in number, passed about 800 yards off. Our fundi, Asmani and Mabruki Kisesa, were immediately despatched in pursuit. I would have gone myself with the heavy Reilly rifle, only I was too much fatigued. We soon heard their guns firing, and hoped they were successful, as a plentiful supply of meat might then have been procured, while we ourselves would have secured one of the elephant’s feet for a nice delicate roast; but within an hour they returned unsuccessful, having only drawn blood, some of which they exhibited to us on a leaf.

It requires a very good rifle to kill an African elephant. A No. 8 bore with a Frazer’s shell, planted in the temple, I believe, would drop an elephant each shot. Faulkner makes some extraordinary statements, about walking up in front of an elephant and planting a bullet in his forehead, killing him instantly. The tale, however, is so incredible that I would prefer not to believe it; especially when he states that the imprint of the muzzle of his rifle was on the elephant’s trunk. African travellers—especially those with a taste for the chase—are too fond of relating that which borders on the incredible for ordinary men to believe them. Such stories must be taken with a large grain of salt, for the sake of the amusement they afford to readers at home. In future, whenever I hear a man state how he broke the back of an antelope at 600 yards, I shall incline to believe a cipher had been added by a slip of the pen, or attribute it to a typographical error, for this is almost an impossible feat in an African forest. It may be done once, but it could never be done twice running. An antelope makes a very small target at 600 yards distance; but, then, all these stories belong by right divine to the chasseur who travels to Africa for the sake only of sport.

On the 13th we continued our march across several ridges; and the series of ascents and descents revealed to us valleys and mountains never before explored streams; rushing northward, swollen by the rains, and grand primeval forests, in whose twilight shade no white man ever walked before.

On the 14th the same scenes were witnessed—an unbroken series of longitudinal ridges, parallel one with another and with Lake Tanganika. Eastward the faces of these ridges present abrupt scarps and terraces, rising from deep valleys, while the western declivities have gradual slopes. These are the peculiar features of Ukawendi, the eastern watershed of the Tanganika.

In one of these valleys on this day we came across a colony of reddish-bearded monkeys, whose howls, or bellowing, rang amongst the cliffs as they discovered the caravan. I was not able to approach them, for they scrambled up trees and barked their defiance at me, then bounded to the ground as I still persisted in advancing; and they would have soon drawn me in pursuit if I had not suddenly remembered that my absence was halting the Expedition.

About noon we sighted our Magdala—the grand towering mount whose upright frowning mass had attracted our eyes, as it lifted itself from above the plain in all its grandeur, when we were hurrying along the great ridge of Rusawa towards the “Crocodile” River. We recognised the old, mystic beauty of the tree-clad plain around it. Then it was bleached, and a filmy haze covered it lovingly; now it was vivid greenness. Every vegetable, plant, herb and tree, had sprung into quick life—the effect of the rains. Rivers that ran not in those hot summer days now fumed and rushed impetuously between thick belts of mighty timber, brawling hoarsely in the glades. We crossed many of these streams, all of which are feeders of the Rugufu.

Beautiful, bewitching Ukawendi! By what shall I gauge the loveliness of the wild, free, luxuriant, spontaneous nature within its boundaries? By anything in Europe? No. By anything in Asia? Where? India, perhaps. Yes; or say Mingrelia and Imeritia. For there we have foaming rivers; we have picturesque hillocks; we have bold hills, ambitious mountains, and broad forests, with lofty solemn rows of trees, with clean straight stems, through which you can see far, lengthy vistas, as you see here. Only in Ukawendi you can almost behold the growth of vegetation; the earth is so generous, nature so kind and loving, that without entertaining any aspiration for a residence, or a wish to breathe the baleful atmosphere longer than is absolutely necessary, one feels insensibly drawn towards it, as the thought creeps into his mind, that though all is foul beneath the captivating, glamorous beauty of the land, the foulness might be removed by civilized people, and the whole region made as healthy as it is productive. Even while staggering under the pressure of the awful sickness, with mind getting more and more embittered, brain sometimes reeling with the shock of the constantly recurring fevers—though I knew how the malaria, rising out of that very fairness, was slowly undermining my constitution, and insidiously sapping the powers of mind and body—I regarded the alluring face of the land with a fatuous love, and felt a certain sadness steal over me as each day I was withdrawing myself from it, and felt disposed to quarrel with the fate that seemed to eject me out of Ukawendi.

On the ninth day of our march from the shores of the Tanganika we again perceived our “Magdala Mount,” rising like a dark cloud to the north-east, by which I knew that we were approaching Imrera, and that our Icarian attempt to cross the uninhabited jungle of Ukawendi would soon be crowned with success. Against the collective counsel of the guides, and hypothetical suggestions of the tired and hungry souls of our Expedition, I persisted in being guided only by the compass and my chart. The guides strenuously strove to induce me to alter my course and strike in a south-west direction, which, had I listened to them, would have undoubtedly taken me to South-western Ukonongo, or North-eastern Ufipa. The veteran and experienced soldiers asked mournfully if I were determined to kill them with famine, as the road I should have taken was north-east; but I preferred putting my trust in the compass. No sun shone upon us as we threaded our way through the primeval forest, by clumps of jungle, across streams, up steep ridges, and down into deep valleys. A thick haze covered the forests; rain often pelted us; the firmament was an unfathomable depth of grey vapour. The Doctor had perfect confidence in me, and I held on my way.

As soon as we arrived at our camp the men scattered themselves through the forest to search for food. A grove of singwe trees was found close by. Mushrooms grew in abundance, and these sufficed to appease the gnawing hunger from which the people suffered. Had it not been such rainy weather I should have been enabled to procure game for the camp; but the fatigue which I suffered, and the fever which enervated me, utterly prevented me from moving out of the camp after we once came to a halt. The fear of lions, which were numerous in our vicinity, whose terrible roaring was heard by day and by night, daunted the hunters so much, that though I offered five doti of cloth for every animal brought to camp, none dared penetrate the gloomy glades, or awesome belts of timber, outside the friendly defence of the camp.

The morning of the tenth day I assured the people that we were close to food; cheered the most amiable of them with promise of abundant provender, and hushed the most truculent knaves with a warning not to tempt my patience too much, lest we came to angry blows; and then struck away east by north through the forest, with the almost exhausted Expedition dragging itself weakly and painfully behind me. It was a most desperate position certainly, and I pitied the poor people far more than they pitied themselves; and though I fumed and stormed in their presence when they were disposed to lie down and give up, never was a man further from doing them injury. I was too proud of them; but under the circumstances it was dangerous—nay, suicidal—to appear doubtful or dubious of the road. The mere fact that I still held on my way according to the Doctor’s little pearly monitor (the compass) had a grand moral effect on them, and though they demurred in plaintive terms and with pinched faces, they followed my footsteps with a trustfulness which quite affected me.

For long miles we trudged over smooth sloping sward, with a vision of forest and park-land beauty on our right and left, and in front of us such as is rarely seen. At a pace that soon left the main body of the Expedition far behind, I strode on with a few gallant fellows, who, despite their heavy loads, kept pace with me. After a couple of hours we were ascending the easy slope of a ridge, which promised to decide in a few minutes the truth or the inaccuracy of my chart. Presently we arrived at the eastern edge of the ridge, and about five miles away, and 1,000 feet below the high plateau on which we stood, we distinguished the valley of Imrera!

By noon we were in our old camp. The natives gathered round, bringing supplies of food, and to congratulate us upon having gone to Ujiji and returned. But it was long before the last member of the Expedition arrived. The Doctor’s feet were very sore, bleeding from the weary march. His shoes were in a very worn-out state, and he had so cut and slashed them with a knife to ease his blistered feet, that any man of our force would have refused them as a gift, no matter how ambitious he might be to encase his feet a la Wasungu.

Asmani, the guide, was very much taken aback when he discovered that the tiny compass knew the way better than he did, and he declared it as his solemn opinion that it could not lie. He suffered much in reputation from having contested the palm with the “little thing,” and ever afterwards his boasted knowledge of the country was considerably doubted.

After halting a day to recruit ourselves, we continued our journey on the 18th January, 1872, towards Unyanyembe. A few miles beyond Imrera, Asmani lost the road again, and I was obliged to show it to him, by which I gained additional honour and credit as a leader and guide. My shoes were very bad, and it was difficult to decide whose were the worst in condition, the Doctor’s or mine. A great change had come upon the face of the land since I had passed northward en route to Ujiji. The wild grapes now hung in clusters along the road; the corn ears were advanced enough to pluck and roast for food; the various plants shed their flowers; and the deep woods and grasses of the country were greener than ever.

On the 19th we arrived at Mpokwa’s deserted village. The Doctor’s feet were very much chafed and sore by the marching. He had walked on foot all the way from Urimba, though he owned a donkey; while I, considerably to my shame be it said, had ridden occasionally to husband my strength, that I might be enabled to hunt after arrival at camp.

Two huts were cleared for our use, but, just as we had made ourselves comfortable, our sharp-eyed fellows had discovered several herds of game in the plain west of Mpokwa. Hastily devouring a morsel of corn-bread with coffee, I hastened away, with Bilali for a gunbearer, taking with me the famous Reilly rifle of the Doctor and a supply of Fraser’s shells. After plunging through a deep stream, and getting wet again, and pushing my way through a dense brake, I arrived at a thin belt of forest, through which I was obliged to crawl, and, in half an hour, I had arrived within one hundred and forty yards of a group of zebras, which were playfully biting each other under the shade of a large tree. Suddenly rising up, I attracted their attention; but the true old rifle was at my shoulder, and “crack—crack” went both barrels, and two fine zebras, a male and female, fell dead under the tree where they had stood. In a few seconds their throats were cut, and after giving the signal of my success, I was soon surrounded by a dozen of my men, who gave utterance to their delight by fulsome compliments to the merits of the rifle, though very few to me. When I returned to camp with the meat I received the congratulations of the Doctor, which I valued far higher, as he knew from long experience what shooting was.

When the eatable portions of the two zebras were hung to the scale, we found, according to the Doctor’s own figures, that we had 719 lbs. of good meat, which, divided among forty-four men, gave a little over 16 lbs. to each person. Bombay, especially, was very happy, as he had dreamed a dream wherein I figured prominently as shooting animals down right and left; and, when he had seen me depart with that wonderful Reilly rifle he had not entertained a doubt of my success, and, accordingly, had commanded the men to be ready to go after me, as soon as they should hear the reports of the gun.

The following is quoted from my Diary:

January 20th, 1872.—To-day was a halt. On going out for a hunt I saw a herd of eleven giraffes. After crossing Mpokwa stream I succeeded in getting within one hundred and fifty yards of one of them, and fired at it; but, though it was wounded, I did not succeed in dropping it, though I desired the skin of one of them very much.

In the afternoon I went out to the east of the village, and came to a herd of six giraffes. I wounded one of them, but it got off, despite my efforts.

What remarkable creatures they are! How beautiful their large limpid eyes! I could have declared on oath that both shots had been a success, but they sheered off with the stately movements of a clipper about to tack. When they ran they had an ungainly, dislocated motion, somewhat like the contortions of an Indian nautch or a Theban danseuse—a dreamy, undulating movement, which even the tail, with its long fringe of black hair, seemed to partake of.

The Doctor, who knew how to console an ardent but disappointed young hunter, attributed my non-success to shooting with leaden balls, which were too soft to penetrate the thick hide of the giraffes, and advised me to melt my zinc canteens with which to harden the lead. It was not the first time that I had cause to think the Doctor an admirable travelling companion; none knew so well how to console one for bad luck none knew so well how to elevate one in his own mind. If I killed a zebra, did not his friend Oswell—the South African hunter—and himself long ago come to the conclusion that zebra meat was the finest in Africa? If I shot a buffalo cow, she was sure to be the best of her kind, and her horns were worth while carrying home as specimens; and was she not fat? If I returned without anything, the game was very wild, or the people had made a noise, and the game had been frightened; and who could stalk animals already alarmed? Indeed, he was a most considerate companion, and, knowing him to be literally truthful, I was proud of his praise when successful, and when I failed I was easily consoled.

Ibrahim, the old pagazi whose feelings had been so lacerated in Ukawendi, when his ancient kibuyu broke, before leaving Ujiji invested his cloth in a slave from Manyuema, who bore the name of “Ulimengo,” which signifies the “World.” As we approached Mpokwa, Ulimengo absconded with all his master’s property, consisting of a few cloths and a bag of salt, which he had thought of taking to Unyanyembe for trade. Ibrahim was inconsolable, and he kept lamenting his loss daily in such lugubrious tones that the people, instead of sympathizing, laughed at him. I asked him why he purchased such a slave, and, while he was with him, why he did not feed him? Replied he, tartly, “Was he not my slave? Was not the cloth with which I bought him mine? If the cloth was my own, could I not purchase what I liked? Why do you talk so?”

Ibrahim’s heart was made glad this evening by the return of Ulimengo with the salt and the cloth, and the one-eyed old man danced with his great joy, and came in all haste to impart to me the glad news. “Lo, the ‘World’ has come back. Sure. My salt and my cloth are with him also. Sure.” To which I replied, that he had better feed him in future, as slaves required food as well as their masters.

From 10 P.M. to midnight the Doctor was employed in taking observations from the star Canopus, the result of which was that he ascertained Mpokwa, district of Utanda, Ukonongo, to be in S. latitude 6 degrees 18 minutes 40 seconds. On comparing it with its position as laid down in my map by dead reckoning, I found we differed by three miles; I having laid it down at 6 degrees 15 minutes south latitude.

The day following was a halt. The Doctor’s feet were so inflamed and sore that he could not bear his shoes on. My heels were also raw, and I viciously cut large circles out of my shoes to enable me to move about.

Having converted my zinc canteens into bullets, and provided myself with a butcher and gun-bearer, I set out for the lovely park-land and plain west of Mpokwa stream, with the laudable resolution to obtain something; and seeing nothing in the plain, I crossed over a ridge, and came to a broad basin covered with tall grass, with clumps here and there of hyphene palm, with a stray mimosa or so scattered about. Nibbling off the branches of the latter, I saw a group of giraffes, and then began stalking them through the grass, taking advantage of the tall grass-grown ant-hills that I might approach the wary beasts before their great eyes could discover me. I contrived to come within 175 yards, by means of one of these curious hummocks; but beyond it no man could crawl without being observed—the grass was so thin and short. I took a long breath, wiped my perspiring brow, and sat down for a while; my black assistants also, like myself, were almost breathless with the exertion, and the high expectations roused by the near presence of the royal beasts. I toyed lovingly with the heavy Reilly, saw to my cartridges, and then stood up and turned, with my rifle ready; took one good, long, steady aim; then lowered it again to arrange the sights, lifted it up once more—dropped it. A giraffe half turned his body; for the last time I lifted it, took one quick sight at the region of the heart, and fired. He staggered, reeled, then made a short gallop; but the blood was spouting from the wound in a thick stream, and before he had gone 200 yards he came to a dead halt, with his ears drawn back, and allowed me to come within twenty yards of him, when, receiving a zinc bullet through the head, he fell dead.

“Allah ho, akhbar!” cried Khamisi, my butcher, fervently. “This is meat, master!”

I was rather saddened than otherwise at seeing the noble animal stretched before me. If I could have given him his life back I think I should have done so. I thought it a great pity that such splendid animals, so well adapted for the service of man in Africa, could not be converted to some other use than that of food. Horses, mules, and donkeys died in these sickly regions; but what a blessing for Africa would it be if we could tame the giraffes and zebras for the use of explorers and traders! Mounted on a zebra, a man would be enabled to reach Ujiji in one month from Bagamoyo; whereas it took me over seven months to travel that distance!

The dead giraffe measured 16 feet 9 inches from his right fore-hoof to the top of his head, and was one of the largest size, though some have been found to measure over 17 feet. He was spotted all over with large black, nearly round, patches.

I left Khamisi in charge of the dead beast, while I returned to camp to send off men to cut it up, and convey the meat to our village. But Khamisi climbed a tree for fear of the lions, and the vultures settled on it, so that when the men arrived on the spot, the eyes, the tongue, and a great part of the posteriors were eaten up. What remained weighed as follows, when brought in and hung to the scales:

1 hind leg…. 134 lbs.

1 ” …. 136 ”

1 fore leg…. 160 ”

I ” …. 160 ”

Ribs…… 158 ”

Neck…… 74 ”

Rump…… 87 ”

Breast….. 46 ”

Liver….. 20 ”

Lungs….. 12 ”

Heart….. 6 ”

Total weight of eatable portions.. 993 lbs.

Skin and head, 181 lbs.

The three days following I suffered from a severe attack of fever, and was unable to stir from bed. I applied my usual remedies for it, which consisted of colocynth and quinine; but experience has shown me that an excessive use of the same cathartic weakens its effect, and that it would be well for travellers to take with them different medicines to cause proper action in the liver, such as colocynth, calomel, resin of jalap, Epsom salts; and that no quinine should be taken until such medicines shall have prepared the system for its reception.

The Doctor’s prescription for fever consists of 3 grains of resin of jalap, and 2 grains of calomel, with tincture of cardamoms put in just enough to prevent irritation of the stomach—made into the form of a pill—which is to be taken as soon as one begins to feel the excessive languor and weariness which is the sure forerunner of the African type of fever. An hour or two later a cup of coffee, unsugared and without milk, ought to be taken, to cause a quicker action. The Doctor also thinks that quinine should be taken with the pill; but my experience—though it weighs nothing against what he has endured—has proved to me that quinine is useless until after the medicine has taken effect. My stomach could never bear quinine unless subsequent to the cathartic. A well-known missionary at Constantinople recommends travellers to take 3 grains of tartar-emetic for the ejection of the bilious matter in the stomach; but the reverend doctor possibly forgets that much more of the system is disorganized than the stomach; and though in one or two cases of a slight attack, this remedy may have proved successful, it is altogether too violent for an enfeebled man in Africa. I have treated myself faithfully after this method three or four times; but I could not conscientiously recommend it. For cases of urticaria, I could recommend taking 3 grains of tartar-emetic; but then a stomach-pump would answer the purpose as well.

On the 27th we set out for Misonghi. About half-way I saw the head of the Expedition on the run, and the motive seemed to be communicated quickly, man after man, to those behind, until my donkey commenced to kick, and lash behind with his heels. In a second, I was made aware of the cause of this excitement, by a cloud of wild bees buzzing about my head, three or four of which settled on my face, and stung me frightfully. We raced madly for about half a mile, behaving in as wild a manner as the poor bestung animals.

As this was an unusually long march, I doubted if the Doctor could march it, because his feet were so sore, so I determined to send four men back with the kitanda; but the stout old hero refused to be carried, and walked all the way to camp after a march of eighteen miles. He had been stung dreadfully in the head and in the face; the bees had settled in handfuls in his hair; but, after partaking of a cup of warm tea and some food, he was as cheerful as if he had never travelled a mile.

At Mrera, Central Ukonongo, we halted a day to grind grain, and to prepare the provision we should need during the transit of the wilderness between Mrera and Manyara.

On the 31st of January, at Mwaru, Sultan Ka-mirambo, we met a caravan under the leadership of a slave of Sayd bin Habib, who came to visit us in our camp, which was hidden in a thick clump of jungle. After he was seated, and had taken his coffee, I asked,

“What is thy news, my friend, that thou bast brought from Unyanyembe?”

“My news is good, master.”

“How goes the war?”

“Ah, Mirambo is where? He eats the hides even. He is famished. Sayd bin Habib, my master, hath possession of Kirira. The Arabs are thundering at the gates of Wilyankuru. Sayd bin Majid, who came from Ujiji to Usagozi in twenty days, hath taken and slain ‘Moto’ (Fire), the King. Simba of Kasera hath taken up arms for the defence of his father, Mkasiwa of Unyanyembe. The chief of Ugunda hath sent five hundred men to the field. Ough—Mirambo is where? In a month he will be dead of hunger.”

“Great and good news truly, my friend.”

“Yes-in the name of God.”

“And whither art thou bound with thy caravan?”

“Sayd, the son of Majid, who came from Ujiji, hath told us of the road that the white man took, that he had arrived at Ujiji safely, and that he was on his way back to Unyanyembe. So we have thought that if the white man could go there, we could also. Lo, the Arabs come by the hundred by the white man’s road, to get the ivory from Ujiji.

“I am that white man.”

“您？”

“是的。”

“Why it was reported that you were dead—that you fought with the Wazavira.”

“Ah, my friend, these are the words of Njara, the son of Khamis. See” (pointing to Livingstone), “this is the white man, my father *, whom I saw at Ujiji. He is going with me to Unyanyembe to get his cloth, after which he will return to the great waters.”

* It is a courteous custom in Africa to address elderly
people as “Baba,” (Father.)

“Wonderful!—thou sayest truly.”

“What has thou to tell me of the white man at Unyanyembe?”

“Which white man?”

“The white man I left in the house of Sayd, the son of Salim—my house—at Kwihara.”

“他死了。”

“死！”

“真的。”

“You do not mean to say the white man is dead?”

“True—he is dead.”

“多久以前？”

“Many months now.”

“What did he die of?”

“Homa (fever).”

“Any more of my people dead?”

“我不知道。”

“Enough.” I looked sympathetically at the Doctor, and he replied,

“I told you so. When you described him to me as a drunken man, I knew he could not live. Men who have been habitual drunkards cannot live in this country, any more than men who have become slaves to other vices. I attribute the deaths that occurred in my expedition on the Zambezi to much the same cause.”

“Ah, Doctor, there are two of us gone. I shall be the third, if this fever lasts much longer.”

“Oh no, not at all. If you would have died from fever, you would have died at Ujiji when you had that severe attack of remittent. Don’t think of it. Your fever now is only the result of exposure to wet. I never travel during the wet season. This time I have travelled because I was anxious, and I did not wish to detain you at Ujiji.”

“Well, there is nothing like a good friend at one’s back in this country to encourage him, and keep his spirits up. Poor Shaw! I am sorry—very sorry for him. How many times have I not endeavoured to cheer him up! But there was no life in him. And among the last words I said to him, before parting, were, ‘Remember, if you return to Unyanyembe, you die!'”

We also obtained news from the chief of Sayd bin Habib’s caravan that several packets of letters and newspapers, and boxes, had arrived for me from Zanzibar by my messengers and Arabs; that Selim, the son of Sheikh Hashid of Zanzibar, was amongst the latest arrivals in Unyanyembe. The Doctor also reminded me with the utmost good-nature that, according to his accounts, he had a stock of jellies and crackers, soups, fish, and potted ham, besides cheese, awaiting him in Unyanyembe, and that he would be delighted to share his good things; whereupon I was greatly cheered, and, during the repeated attacks of fever I suffered about this time, my imagination loved to dwell upon the luxuries at Unyanyembe. I pictured myself devouring the hams and crackers and jellies like a madman. I lived on my raving fancies. My poor vexed brain rioted on such homely things as wheaten bread and butter, hams, bacon, caviare, and I would have thought no price too high to pay for them. Though so far away and out of the pale of Europe and America, it was a pleasure to me, during the athumia or despondency into which I was plunged by ever recurring fevers, to dwell upon them. I wondered that people who had access to such luxuries should ever get sick, and become tired of life. I thought that if a wheaten loaf with a nice pat of fresh butter were presented to me, I would be able, though dying, to spring up and dance a wild fandango.

Though we lacked the good things of this life above named, we possessed salted giraffe and pickled zebra tongues; we had ugali made by Halimah herself; we had sweet potatoes, tea, coffee, dampers, or slap jacks; but I was tired of them. My enfeebled stomach, harrowed and irritated with medicinal compounds, with ipecac, colocynth, tartar-emetic, quinine, and such things, protested against the coarse food. “Oh, for a wheaten loaf!” my soul cried in agony. “Five hundred dollars for one loaf of bread!”

The Doctor, somehow or another, despite the incessant rain, the dew, fog, and drizzle, the marching, and sore feet, ate like a hero, and I manfully, sternly, resolved to imitate the persevering attention he paid to the welfare of his gastric powers; but I miserably failed.

Dr. Livingstone possesses all the attainments of a traveller. His knowledge is great about everything concerning Africa—the rocks, the trees, the fruits, and their virtues, are known to him. He is also full of philosophic reflections upon ethnological matter. With camp-craft, with its cunning devices, he is au fait. His bed is luxurious as a spring mattress. Each night he has it made under his own supervision. First, he has two straight poles cut, three or four inches in diameter; which are laid parallel one with another, at the distance of two feet; across these poles are laid short sticks, saplings, three feet long, and over them is laid a thick pile of grass; then comes a piece of waterproof canvas and blankets—and thus a bed has been improvised fit for a king.

It was at Livingstone’s instigation I purchased milch goats, by which, since leaving Ujiji, we have had a supply of fresh milk for our tea and coffee three times a day. Apropos of this, we are great drinkers of these welcome stimulants; we seldom halt drinking until we have each had six or seven cups. We have also been able to provide ourselves with music, which, though harsh, is better than none. I mean the musical screech of parrots from Manyuema.

Half-way between Mwaru—Kamirambo’s village—and the deserted Tongoni of Ukamba, I carved the Doctor’s initials and my own on a large tree, with the date February 2nd. I have been twice guilty of this in Africa once when we were famishing in Southern Uvinza I inscribed the date, my initials, and the word “Starving,” in large letters on the trunk of a sycamore.

In passing through the forest of Ukamba, we saw the bleached skull of an unfortunate victim to the privations of travel. Referring to it, the Doctor remarked that he could never pass through an African forest, with its solemn stillness and serenity, without wishing to be buried quietly under the dead leaves, where he would be sure to rest undisturbed. In England there was no elbow-room, the graves were often desecrated; and ever since he had buried his wife in the woods of Shupanga he had sighed for just such a spot, where his weary bones would receive the eternal rest they coveted.

The same evening, when the tent door was down, and the interior was made cheerful by the light of a paraffin candle, the Doctor related to me some incidents respecting the career and the death of his eldest son, Robert. Readers of Livingstone’s first book, ‘South Africa,’ without which no boy should be, will probably recollect the dying Sebituane’s regard for the little boy “Robert.” Mrs. Livingstone and family were taken to the Cape of Good Hope, and thence sent to England, where Robert was put in the charge of a tutor; but wearied of inactivity, when he was about eighteen, he left Scotland and came to Natal, whence he endeavoured to reach his father. Unsuccessful in his attempt, he took ship and sailed for New York, and enlisted in the Northern Army, in a New Hampshire regiment of Volunteers, discarding his own name of Robert Moffatt Livingstone, and taking that of Rupert Vincent that his tutor, who seems to have been ignorant of his duties to the youth, might not find him. From one of the battles before Richmond, he was conveyed to a North Carolina hospital, where he died from his wounds.

On the 7th of February we arrived at the Gombe, and camped near one of its largest lakes. This lake is probably several miles in length, and swarms with hippopotami and crocodiles.

From this camp I despatched Ferajji, the cook, and Chowpereh to Unyanyembe, to bring the letters and medicines that were sent to me from Zanzibar, and meet us at Ugunda, while the next day we moved to our old quarters on the Gombe, where we were first introduced to the real hunter’s paradise in Central Africa. The rain had scattered the greater number of the herds, but there was plenty of game in the vicinity. Soon after breakfast I took Khamisi and Kalulu with me for a hunt. After a long walk we arrived near a thin jungle, where I discovered the tracks of several animals—boar, antelope, elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, and an unusual number of imprints of the lion’s paw. Suddenly I heard Khamisi say, “Master, master! here is a ‘simba!’ (lion);” and he came up to me trembling with excitement and fear—for the young fellow was an arrant coward—to point out the head of a beast, which could be seen just above the tall grass, looking steadily towards us. It immediately afterwards bounded from side to side, but the grass was so high that it was impossible to tell exactly what it was. Taking advantage of a tree in my front, I crept quietly onwards, intending to rest the heavy rifle against it, as I was so weak from the effects of several fevers that I felt myself utterly incapable of supporting my rifle for a steady aim. But my surprise was great when I cautiously laid it against the tree, and then directed its muzzle to the spot where I had seen him stand. Looking further away—to where the grass was thin and scant—I saw the animal bound along at a great rate, and that it was a lion: the noble monarch of the forest was in full flight! From that moment I ceased to regard him as the “mightiest among the brutes;” or his roar as anything more fearful in broad daylight than a sucking dove’s.

The next day was also a halt, and unable to contain my longing for the chase, where there used to be such a concourse of game of all kinds, soon after morning coffee, and after despatching a couple of men with presents to my friend Ma-manyara, of ammonia-bottle memory, I sauntered out once more for the park. Not five hundred yards from the camp, myself and men were suddenly halted by hearing in our immediate vicinity, probably within fifty yards or so, a chorus of roars, issuing from a triplet of lions. Instinctively my fingers raised the two hammers, as I expected a general onset on me; for though one lion might fly, it was hardly credible that three should. While looking keenly about I detected, within easy rifle-shot, a fine hartebeest, trembling and cowering behind a tree, as if it expected the fangs of the lion in its neck. Though it had its back turned to me, I thought a bullet might plough its way to a vital part, and without a moment’s hesitation I aimed and fired. The animal gave a tremendous jump, as if it intended to take a flying leap through the tree; but recovering itself it dashed through the underbrush in a different direction from that in which I supposed the lions to be, and I never saw it again, though I knew I had struck it from the bloody trail it left; neither did I see nor hear anything more of the lions. I searched far and wide over the park-land for prey of some kind, but was compelled to return unsuccessful to camp.

Disgusted with my failure, we started a little after noon for Manyara, at which place we were hospitably greeted by my friend, who had sent men to tell me that his white brother must not halt in the woods but must come to his village. We received a present of honey and food from the chief, which was most welcome to us in our condition. Here was an instance of that friendly disposition among Central African chiefs when they have not been spoiled by the Arabs, which Dr. Livingstone found among the Babisa and Ba-ulungu, and in Manyuema. I received the same friendly recognition from all the chiefs, from Imrera, in Ukawendi, to Unyanyembe, as I did from Mamanyara.

On the 14th we arrived at Ugunda, and soon after we had established ourselves comfortably in a hut which the chief lent us for our use, in came Ferajji and Chowpereh, bringing with them Sarmean and Uledi Manwa Sera, who, it will be recollected, were the two soldiers sent to Zanzibar with letters and who should Sarmean have in charge but the deserter Hamdallah, who decamped at Manyara, as we were going to Ujiji. This fellow, it seems, had halted at Kigandu, and had informed the chief and the doctor of the village that he had been sent by the white man to take back the cloth left there for the cure of Mabruk Saleem; and the simple chief had commanded it to be given up to him upon his mere word, in consequence of which the sick man had died.

Upon Sarmean’s arrival in Unyanyembe from Zanzibar, about fifty days after the Expedition had departed for Ujiji the news he received was that the white man (Shaw) was dead; and that a man called Hamdallah, who had engaged himself as one of my guides, but who had shortly after returned, was at Unyanyembe. He had left him unmolested until the appearance of Ferajji and his companion, when they at once, in a body, made a descent on his hut and secured him. With the zeal which always distinguished him in my service, Sarmean had procured a forked pole, between the prongs of which the neck of the absconder was placed; and a cross stick, firmly lashed, effectually prevented him from relieving himself of the incumbrance attached to him so deftly.

There were no less than seven packets of letters and newspapers from Zanzibar, which had been collecting during my absence from Unyanyembe. These had been intrusted at various times to the chiefs of caravans, who had faithfully delivered them at my tembe, according to their promise to the Consul. There was one packet for me, which contained two or three letters for Dr. Livingstone, to whom, of course, they were at once transferred, with my congratulations. In the same packet there was also a letter to me from the British Consul at Zanzibar requesting me to take charge of Livingstone’s goods and do the best I could to forward them on to him, dated 25th September, 1871, five days after I left Unyanyembe on my apparently hopeless task.

“Well, Doctor,” said I to Livingstone, “the English Consul requests me to do all I can to push forward your goods to you. I am sorry that I did not get the authority sooner, for I should have attempted it; but in the absence of these instructions I have done the best I could by pushing you towards the goods. The mountain has not been able to advance towards Mohammed, but Mohammed has been compelled to advance towards the mountain.”

But Dr. Livingstone was too deeply engrossed in his own letters from home, which were just a year old.

I received good and bad news from New York, but the good news was subsequent, and wiped out all feelings that might have been evoked had I received the bad only. But the newspapers, nearly a hundred of them, New York, Boston, and London journals, were full of most wonderful news. The Paris Commune was in arms against the National Assembly; the Tuileries, the Louvre, and the ancient city Lutetia Parisiorum had been set in flames by the blackguards of Saint-Antoine! French troops massacring and murdering men, women, and children; rampant diabolism, and incarnate revenge were at work in the most beautiful city in the world! Fair women converted into demons, and dragged by ruffianly soldiery through the streets to universal execration and pitiless death; children of tender age pinned to the earth and bayoneted; men innocent or not, shot, cut, stabbed, slashed, destroyed—a whole city given up to the summa injuria of an infuriate, reckless, and brutal army! Oh France! Oh Frenchmen! Such things are unknown even in the heart of barbarous Central Africa. We spurned the newspapers with our feet; and for relief to sickened hearts gazed on the comic side of our world, as illustrated in the innocent pages of ‘Punch.’ Poor ‘Punch!’ good-hearted, kindly-natured ‘Punch!’ a traveller’s benison on thee! Thy jokes were as physic; thy innocent satire was provocative of hysteric mirth.

Our doors were crowded with curious natives, who looked with indescribable wonder at the enormous sheets. I heard them repeat the words, “Khabari Kisungu”—white man’s news—often, and heard them discussing the nature of such a quantity of news, and expressing their belief that the “Wasungu” were “mbyah sana,” and very “mkali;” by which they meant to say that the white men were very wicked, and very smart and clever though the term wicked is often employed to express high admiration.

On the fourth day from Ugunda, or the 18th of February, and the fifty-third day from Ujiji, we made our appearance with flags flying and guns firing in the valley of Kwihara, and when the Doctor and myself passed through the portals of my old quarters I formally welcomed him to Unyanyembe and to my house.

Since the day I had left the Arabs, sick and, weary almost with my life, but, nevertheless, imbued with the high hope that my mission would succeed, 131 days had elapsed—with what vicissitudes of fortune the reader well knows—during which time I had journeyed over 1,200 miles.

The myth after which I travelled through the wilderness proved to be a fact; and never was the fact more apparent than when the Living Man walked with me arm in arm to my old room, and I said to him, “Doctor, we are at last HOME!”

Unyanyembe was now to me a terrestrial Paradise. Livingstone was no less happy; he was in comfortable quarters, which were a palace compared to his hut in Ujiji. Our store-rooms were full of the good things of this life, besides cloth, beads, wire, and the thousand and one impedimenta and paraphernalia of travel with which I had loaded over one hundred and fifty men at Bagamoyo. I had seventy-four loads of miscellaneous things, the most valuable of which were now to be turned over to Livingstone, for his march back to the sources of the Nile.

It was a great day with, us when, with hammer and chisel, I broke open the Doctor’s boxes, that we might feast our famished stomachs on the luxuries which were to redeem us from the effect of the cacotrophic dourra and maize food we had been subjected to in the wilderness. I conscientiously believed that a diet on potted ham, crackers, and jellies would make me as invincible as Talus, and that I only required a stout flail to be able to drive the mighty Wagogo into the regions of annihilation, should they dare even to wink in a manner I disapproved.

The first box opened contained three tins of biscuits, six tins of potted hams—tiny things, not much larger than thimbles, which, when opened, proved to be nothing more than a table-spoonful of minced meat plentifully seasoned with pepper: the Doctor’s stores fell five hundred degrees below zero in my estimation. Next were brought out five pots of jam, one of which was opened—this was also a delusion. The stone jars weighed a pound, and in each was found a little over a tea-spoonful of jam. Verily, we began to think our hopes and expectations had been raised to too high a pitch. Three bottles of curry were next produced—but who cares for curry? Another box was opened, and out tumbled a fat dumpy Dutch cheese, hard as a brick, but sound and good; though it is bad for the liver in Unyamwezi. Then another cheese was seen, but this was all eaten up—it was hollow and a fraud. The third box contained nothing but two sugar loaves; the fourth, candles; the fifth, bottles of salt, Harvey, Worcester, and Reading sauces, essence of anchovies, pepper, and mustard. Bless me! what food were these for the revivifying of a moribund such as I was! The sixth box contained four shirts, two pairs of stout shoes, some stockings and shoe-strings, which delighted the Doctor so much when he tried them on that he exclaimed, “Richard is himself again!” “That man,” said I, “whoever he is, is a friend, indeed.” “Yes, that is my friend Waller.”

The five other boxes contained potted meat and soups; but the twelfth, containing one dozen bottles of medicinal brandy, was gone; and a strict cross-examination of Asmani, the head man of Livingstone’s caravan, elicited the fact, that not only was one case of brandy missing, but also two bales of cloth and four bags of the most valuable beads in Africa—sami-sami—which are as gold with the natives.

I was grievously disappointed after the stores had been examined; everything proved to be deceptions in my jaundiced eyes. Out of the tins of biscuits when opened, there was only one sound box; the whole of which would not make one full meal. The soups—who cared for meat soups in Africa? Are there no bullocks, and sheep, and goats in the land, from which far better soup can be made than any that was ever potted? Peas, or any other kind of vegetable soup, would have been a luxury; but chicken and game soups!—what nonsense!

I then overhauled my own stores. I found some fine old brandy and one bottle of champagne still left; though it was evident, in looking at the cloth bales, that dishonesty had been at work; and some person happened to suggest Asmani—the head man sent by Dr. Kirk in charge of Livingstone’s goods—as the guilty party. Upon his treasures being examined, I found eight or ten coloured cloths, with the mark of my own agent at Zanzibar on them. As he was unable to give a clear account of how they came in his box, they were at once confiscated, and distributed among the most deserving of the Doctor’s people. Some of the watchmen also accused him of having entered into my store-room, and of having abstracted two or three gorah of domestics from my bales, and of having, some days afterwards, snatched the keys from the hands of one of my men, and broken them, lest other people might enter, and find evidences of his guilt. As Asmani was proved to be another of the “moral idiots,” Livingstone discharged him on the spot. Had we not arrived so soon at Unyanyembe, it is probable that the entire stock sent from Zanzibar had in time disappeared.

Unyanyembe being rich in fruits, grain, and cattle, we determined to have our Christmas dinner over again in style, and, being fortunately in pretty good health, I was enabled to superintend its preparation. Never was such prodigality seen in a tembe of Unyamwezi as was seen in ours, nor were ever such delicacies provided.

There were but few Arabs in Unyanyembe when we arrived, as they were investing the stronghold of Mirambo. About a week after our return, “the little mannikin,” Sheikh Sayd bin Salim—El Wali—who was the commander-in-chief of their forces, came to Kwihara from the front. But the little Sheikh was in no great hurry to greet the man he had wronged so much. As soon as we heard of his arrival we took the opportunity to send men immediately after the goods which were forwarded to the Wali’s care soon after Livingstone’s departure for Mikindany Bay. The first time we sent men for them the governor declared himself too sick to attend to such matters, but the second day they were surrendered, with a request that the Doctor would not be very angry at their condition, as the white ants had destroyed everything.

The stores this man had detained at Unyanyembe were in a most sorry state. The expenses were prepaid for their carriage to Ujiji, but the goods had been purposely detained at this place by Sayd bin Salim since 1867 that he might satisfy his appetite for liquor, and probably fall heir to two valuable guns that were known to be with them. The white ants had not only eaten up bodily the box in which the guns were packed, but they had also eaten the gunstocks. The barrels were corroded, and the locks were quite destroyed. The brandy bottles, most singular to relate, had also fallen a prey to the voracious and irresistible destroyers the white ants—and, by some unaccountable means, they had imbibed the potent Hennessy, and replaced the corks with corn-cobs. The medicines had also vanished, and the zinc pots in which they had been snugly packed up were destroyed by corrosion. Two bottles of brandy and one small zinc case of medicines only were saved out of the otherwise utter wreck.

I also begged the Doctor to send to Sheikh Sayd, and ask him if he had received the two letters despatched by him upon his first arrival at Ujiji for Dr. Kirk and Lord Clarendon; and if he had forwarded them to the coast, as he was desired to do. The reply to the messengers was in the affirmative; and, subsequently, I obtained the same answer in the presence of the Doctor,

On the 222nd of February, the pouring rain, which had dogged us the entire distance from Ujiji, ceased, and we had now beautiful weather; and while I prepared for the homeward march, the Doctor was busy writing his letters, and entering his notes into his journal, which I was to take to his family. When not thus employed, we paid visits to the Arabs at Tabora, by whom we were both received with that bounteous hospitality for which they are celebrated.

Among the goods turned over by me to Dr. Livingstone, while assorting such cloths as I wished to retain for my homeward trip, were—

Doti. Yards.

First-class American sheeting… 285 = 1140

” Kaniki (blue stuff)… 16 = 64

Medium ” (blue stuff)… 60 = 240

” Dabwani cloth…. 41 = 64

Barsati cloths…. 28 = 112

Printed handkerchiefs.. 70 = 280

Medium Rehani cloth….. 127 = 508

” Ismahili ” …. 20 = 80

” Sohari “….. 20 = 80

4 pieces fine Kungura (red check) 22 = 88

4 gorah Rehani……. 8 = 32

Total number of cloths. 697 = 2788

除了：

Cloth, 2788 yards.

Assorted beads, 16 sacks, weight = 992 lbs.

Brass wire, Nos. 5 and 6; 10 fraslilah = 350 lbs.

1 canvas tent, waterproof.

1 air-bed.

1 boat (canvas}

1 bag of tools, carpenter’s.

1 rip saw.

2 barrels of tar.

12 sheets of ship’s copper = 60 lbs.

衣服。

1 Jocelyn breech-loader (metallic cartridge).

1 Starr’s ” ” ”

1 Henry (16-shooter) ” ”

1 revolver.

200 rounds revolver ammunition.

2000 ” Jocelyn and Starrs ammunition.

1500 ” Henry rifle ammunition.

Cooking utensils, medicine chest, books, sextant, canvas bags, &c., &c., &c.

The above made a total of about forty loads. Many things in the list would have brought fancy prices in Unyanyembe, especially the carbines and ammunition, the saw, carpenter’s tools the beads, and wire. Out of the thirty-three loads which were stored for him in my tembe—the stock sent to Livingstone, Nov. 1,1870—but few of them would be available for his return trip to Rua and Manyuema. The 696 doti of cloth which were left to him formed the only marketable articles of value he possessed; and in Manyuema, where the natives manufactured their own cloth, such an article would be considered a drug; while my beads and wire, with economy, would suffice to keep him and his men over two years in those regions. His own cloth, and what I gave him, made in the aggregate 1,393 doti, which, at 2 doti per day for food, were sufficient to keep him and sixty men 696 days. He had thus four years’ supplies. The only articles he lacked to make a new and completely fitted-up expedition were the following, a list of which he and I drew up;—

A few tins of American wheat-flour. ” ” soda crackers.
” ” preserved fruits
A few tins of salmon, 10 lbs. Hyson tea. Some sewing thread and needles.
1 dozen official envelopes. ‘Nautical Almanac’ for 1872 and 1873. 1
blank journal. 1 chronometer, stopped. 1 chain for refractory people.

With the articles just named he would have a total of seventy loads, but without carriers they were an incumbrance to him; for, with only the nine men which he now had, he could go nowhere with such a splendid assortment of goods. I was therefore commissioned to enlist,—as soon as I reached Zanzibar,—fifty freemen, arm them with a gun and hatchet each man, besides accoutrements, and to purchase two thousand bullets, one thousand flints, and ten kegs of gunpowder. The men were to act as carriers, to follow wherever Livingstone might desire to go. For, without men, he was simply tantalized with the aspirations roused in him by the knowledge that he had abundance of means, which were irrealizable without carriers. All the wealth of London and New York piled before him were totally unavailable to him without the means of locomotion. No Mnyamwezi engages himself as carrier during war-time. You who have read the diary of my ‘Life in Unyanyembe’ know what stubborn Conservatives the Wanyamwezi are. A duty lay yet before me which I owed to my illustrious companion, and that was to hurry to the coast as if on a matter of life and death—act for him in the matter of enlisting men as if he were there himself—to work for him with the same zeal as I would for myself—not to halt or rest until his desires should be gratified, And this I vowed to do; but it was a death-blow to my project of going down the Nile, and getting news of Sir S. Baker.

The Doctor’s task of writing his letters was ended. He delivered into my hand twenty letters for Great Britain, six for Bombay, two for New York, and one for Zanzibar. The two letters for New York were for James Gordon Bennett, junior, as he alone, not his father, was responsible for the Expedition sent under my command. I beg the reader’s pardon for republishing one of these letters here, as its spirit and style indicate the man, the mere knowledge of whose life or death was worth a costly Expedition.

Ujiji, on Tanganika, East Africa, November, 1871.

James Gordon Bennett, Jr., Esq.

My Dear Sir,—It is in general somewhat difficult to write to one we have never seen—it feels so much like addressing an abstract idea—but the presence of your representative, Mr. H. M. Stanley, in this distant region takes away the strangeness I should otherwise have felt, and in writing to thank you for the extreme kindness that prompted you to send him, I feel quite at home.

If I explain the forlorn condition in which he found me you will easily perceive that I have good reason to use very strong expressions of gratitude. I came to Ujiji off a tramp of between four hundred and five hundred miles, beneath a blazing vertical sun, having been baffled, worried, defeated and forced to return, when almost in sight of the end of the geographical part of my mission, by a number of half-caste Moslem slaves sent to me from Zanzibar, instead of men. The sore heart made still sorer by the woeful sights I had seen of man’s inhumanity to man racked and told on the bodily frame, and depressed it beyond measure. I thought that I was dying on my feet. It is not too much to say that almost every step of the weary sultry way was in pain, and I reached Ujiji a mere ruckle of bones.

There I found that some five hundred pounds’ sterling worth of goods which I had ordered from Zanzibar had unaccountably been entrusted to a drunken half-caste Moslem tailor, who, after squandering them for sixteen months on the way to Ujiji; finished up by selling off all that remained for slaves and ivory for himself. He had “divined” on the Koran and found that I was dead. He had also written to the Governor of Unyanyembe that he had sent slaves after me to Manyuema, who returned and reported my decease, and begged permission to sell off the few goods that his drunken appetite had spared.

He, however, knew perfectly well, from men who had seen me, that I was alive, and waiting for the goods and men; but as for morality, he is evidently an idiot, and there being no law here except that of the dagger or musket, I had to sit down in great weakness, destitute of everything save a few barter cloths and beads, which I had taken the precaution to leave here in case of extreme need.

The near prospect of beggary among Ujijians made me miserable.

I could not despair, because I laughed so much at a friend who, on reaching the mouth of the Zambezi, said that he was tempted to despair on breaking the photograph of his wife. We could have no success after that. Afterward the idea of despair had to me such a strong smack of the ludicrous that it was out of the question.

Well, when I had got to about the lowest verge, vague rumors of an English visitor reached me. I thought of myself as the man who went down from Jerusalem to Jericho; but neither priest, Levite, nor Samaritan could possibly pass my way. Yet the good Samaritan was close at hand, and one of my people rushed up at the top of his speed, and, in great excitement, gasped out, “An Englishman coming! I see him!” and off he darted to meet him.

An American flag, the first ever seen in these parts, at the head of a caravan, told me the nationality of the stranger.

I am as cold and non-demonstrative as we islanders are usually reputed to be; but your kindness made my frame thrill. It was, indeed, overwhelming, and I said in my soul, “Let the richest blessings descend from the Highest on you and yours!”

The news Mr. Stanley had to tell was thrilling. The mighty political changes on the Continent; the success of the Atlantic cables; the election of General Grant, and many other topics’ riveted my attention for days together, and had an immediate and beneficial effect on my health. I had been without news from home for years save what I could glean from a few ‘Saturday Reviews’ and ‘Punch’ of 1868. The appetite revived, and in a week I began to feel strong again.

Mr. Stanley brought a most kind and encouraging despatch from Lord Clarendon (whose loss I sincerely deplore), the first I have received from the Foreign Office since 1866, and information that the British Government had kindly sent a thousand pounds sterling to my aid. Up to his arrival I was not aware of any pecuniary aid. I came unsalaried, but this want is now happily repaired, and I am anxious that you and all my friends should know that, though uncheered by letter, I have stuck to the task which my friend Sir Roderick Murchison set me with “John Bullish” tenacity, believing that all would come right at last.

The watershed of South Central Africa is over seven hundred wiles in length. The fountains thereon are almost innumerable—that is, it would take a man’s lifetime to count them. From the watershed they converge into four large rivers, and these again into two mighty streams in the great Nile valley, which begins in ten degrees to twelve degrees south latitude. It was long ere light dawned on the ancient problem and gave me a clear idea of the drainage. I had to feel my way, and every step of the way, and was, generally, groping in the dark—for who cared where the rivers ran? “We drank our fill and let the rest run by.”

The Portuguese who visited Cazembe asked for slaves and ivory, and heard of nothing else. I asked about the waters, questioned and cross-questioned, until I was almost afraid of being set down as afflicted with hydrocephalus.

My last work, in which I have been greatly hindered from want of suitable attendants, was following the central line of drainage down through the country of the cannibals, called Manyuema, or, shortly Manyema. This line of drainage has four large lakes in it. The fourth I was near when obliged to turn. It is from one to three miles broad, and never can be reached at any point, or at any time of the year. Two western drains, the Lufira, or Bartle Frere’s River, flow into it at Lake Kamolondo. Then the great River Lomame flows through Lake Lincoln into it too, and seems to form the western arm of the Nile, on which Petherick traded.

Now, I knew about six hundred miles of the watershed, and unfortunately the seventh hundred is the most interesting of the whole; for in it, if I am not mistaken, four fountains arise from an earthen mound, and the last of the four becomes, at no great distance off, a large river.

Two of these run north to Egypt, Lufira and Lomame, and two run south into inner Ethiopia, as the Leambaye, or Upper Zambezi, and the Kaful.

Are not these the sources of the Nile mentioned by the Secretary of Minerva, in the city of Sais, to Herodotus?

I have heard of them so often, and at great distances off, that I cannot doubt their existence, and in spite of the sore longing for home that seizes me every time I think of my family, I wish to finish up by their rediscovery.

Five hundred pounds sterling worth of goods have again unaccountably been entrusted to slaves, and have been over a year on the way, instead of four months. I must go where they lie at your expense, ere I can put the natural completion to my work.

And if my disclosures regarding the terrible Ujijian slavery should lead to the suppression of the East Coast slave trade, I shall regard that as a greater matter by far than the discovery of all the Nile sources together. Now that you have done with domestic slavery for ever, lend us your powerful aid toward this great object. This fine country is blighted, as with a curse from above, in order that the slavery privileges of the petty Sultan of Zanzibar may not be infringed, and the rights of the Crown of Portugal, which are mythical, should be kept in abeyance till some future time when Africa will become another India to Portuguese slave-traders.

I conclude by again thanking you most cordially for your great generosity, and am,

感谢你的，

大卫·利文斯通。

To the above letter I have nothing to add—it speaks for itself; but I then thought it was the best evidence of my success. For my own part, I cared not one jot or tittle about his discoveries, except so far as it concerned the newspaper which commissioned me for the “search.” It is true I felt curious as to the result of his travels; but, since he confessed that he had not completed what he had begun, I felt considerable delicacy to ask for more than he could afford to give. His discoveries were the fruits of of his own labours—to him they belonged—by their publication he hoped to obtain his reward, which he desired to settle on his children. Yet Livingstone had a higher and nobler ambition than the mere pecuniary sum he would receive: he followed the dictates of duty. Never was such a willing slave to that abstract virtue. His inclinations impelled him home, the fascinations of which it required the sternest resolves to resist. With every foot of new ground he travelled over he forged a chain of sympathy which should hereafter bind the Christian nations in bonds of love and charity to the Heathen of the African tropics. If he were able to complete this chain of love—by actual discovery and description of them to embody such peoples and nations as still live in darkness, so as to attract the good and charitable of his own land to bestir themselves for their redemption and salvation—this, Livingstone would consider an ample reward.

“A delirious and fatuous enterprise, a Quixotic scheme!” some will say. Not it, my friends; for as sure as the sun shines on both Christian and Infidel, civilised and Pagan, the day of enlightenment will come; and, though Livingstone, the Apostle of Africa, may not behold it himself, nor we younger men, not yet our children, the Hereafter will see it, and posterity will recognise the daring pioneer of its civilization.

The following items are extracted in their entirety from my Diary:

March 12th.—The Arabs have sent me as many as forty-five letters to carry to the coast. I am turned courier in my latter days; but the reason is that no regularly organized caravans are permitted to leave Unyanyembe now, because of the war with Mirambo. What if I had stayed all this time at Unyanyembe waiting for the war to end! It is my opinion that, the Arabs will not be able to conquer Mirambo under nine months yet.

To-night the natives have gathered themselves together to give me a farewell dance in front of my house. I find them to be the pagazis of Singiri, chief of Mtesa’s caravan. My men joined in, and, captivated by the music despite myself, I also struck in, and performed the “light fantastic,” to the intense admiration of my braves, who were delighted to see their master unbend a little from his usual stiffness.

It is a wild dance altogether. The music is lively, and evoked from the sonorous sound of four drums, which are arranged before the bodies of four men, who stand in the centre of the weird circle. Bombay, as ever comical, never so much at home as when in the dance of the Mrima, has my water-bucket on his head; Chowpereh—the sturdy, the nimble, sure-footed Chowpereh—has an axe in his hand, and wears a goatskin on his head; Baraka has my bearskin, and handles a spear; Mabruki, the “Bull-headed,” has entered into the spirit of the thing, and steps up and down like a solemn elephant; Ulimengo has a gun, and is a fierce Drawcansir, and you would imagine he was about to do battle to a hundred thousand, so ferocious is he in appearance; Khamisi and Kamna are before the drummers, back to back, kicking up ambitiously at the stars; Asmani,—the embodiment of giant strength,—a towering Titan,—has also a gun, with which he is dealing blows in the air, as if he were Thor, slaying myriads with his hammer. The scruples and passions of us all are in abeyance; we are contending demons under the heavenly light of the stars, enacting only the part of a weird drama, quickened into action and movement by the appalling energy and thunder of the drums.

The warlike music is ended, and another is started. The choragus has fallen on his knees, and dips his head two or three times in an excavation in the ground, and a choir, also on their knees, repeat in dolorous tones the last words of a slow and solemn refrain. The words are literally translated:—

Choragus. Oh-oh-oh! the white man is going home!

Choir. Oh-oh-oh! going home!
Going home, oh-oh-oh!

Choragus. To the happy island on the sea,
Where the beads are plenty, oh-oh-oh!

Choir. Oh-oh-oh! where the beads are plenty,
Oh-oh-oh!

Choragus. While Singiri has kept us, oh, very long
From our homes very long, oh-oh-oh.!

Choir From our homes, oh-oh-oh!
Oh-oh-oh!

Choragus. And we have had no food for very long—
We are half-starved, oh, for so long!
Bana Singiri!

Choir. For so very long, oh-oh-oh!
Bana Singiri-Singiri!
Singiri! oh, Singiri

Choragus. Mirambo has gone to war
To fight against the Arabs;
The Arabs and Wangwana
Have gone to fight Mirambo!

Choir Oh-oh-oh! to fight Mirambo!

Oh, Mirambo! Mirambo
Oh, to fight Mirambo!

Choragus. But the white man will make us glad,
He is going home! For he is going home,
And he will make us glad! Sh-sh-sh!

Choir. The white man will make us glad! Sh-sh-sh
Sh——-sh-h-h——-sh-h-h-h-h-h!
Um-m—mu—-um-m-m——sh!

This is the singular farewell which I received from the Wanyamwezi of Singiri, and for its remarkable epic beauty(?), rhythmic excellence(?), and impassioned force(?), I have immortalised it in the pages of this book, as one of the most wonderful productions of the chorus-loving children of Unyamwezi.

March 13th.—The last day of my stay with Livingstone has come and gone, and the last night we shall be together is present, and I cannot evade the morrow! I feel as though I would rebel against the fate which drives me away from him. The minutes beat fast, and grow into hours.

Our door is closed, and we are both of us busy with our own thoughts. What his thoughts are I know not. Mine are sad. My days seem to have been spent in an Elysian field; otherwise, why should I so keenly regret the near approach of the parting hour? Have I not been battered by successive fevers, prostrate with agony day after day lately? Have I not raved and stormed in madness? Have I not clenched my fists in fury, and fought with the wild strength of despair when in delirium? Yet, I regret to surrender the pleasure I have felt in this man’s society, though so dearly purchased.

I cannot resist the sure advance of time, which flies this night as if it mocked me, and gloated on the misery it created! Be it so!

How many times have I not suffered the pang of parting with friends! I wished to linger longer, but the inevitable would come—Fate sundered us. This is the same regretful feeling, only it is more poignant, and the farewell may be forever! FOREVER? And “FOR EVER,” echo the reverberations of a woful whisper.

I have noted down all he has said to-night; but the reader shall not share it with me. It is mine!

I am as jealous as he is himself of his Journal; and I have written in German text, and in round hand, on either side of it, on the waterproof canvas cover, “POSITTVELY NOT TO BE OPENED;” to which he has affixed his signature. I have stenographed every word he has said to me respecting the equable distribution of certain curiosities among his friends and children, and his last wish about “his” dear old friend, Sir Roderick Murchison, because he has been getting anxious about him ever since we received the newspapers at Ugunda, when we read that the old man was suffering from a paralytic stroke. I must be sure to send him the news, as soon as I get to Aden; and I have promised that he will receive the message from me quicker than anything was ever received in Central Africa.

“To-morrow night, Doctor, you will be alone!”

“Yes; the house will look as though a death had taken place. You had better stop until the rains, which are now near, are over.”

“I would to God I could, my dear Doctor; but every day I stop here, now that there is no necessity for me to stay longer, keeps you from your work and home.”

“I know; but consider your health—you are not fit to travel. What is it? Only a few weeks longer. You will travel to the coast just as quickly when the rains are over as you will by going now. The plains will be inundated between here and the coast.”

“You think so; but I will reach the coast in forty days; if not in forty, I will in fifty—certain. The thought that I am doing you an important service will spur me on.”

March 14th.—At dawn we were up, the bales and baggage were taken outside of the building, and the men prepared themselves for the first march towards home.

We had a sad breakfast together. I could not eat, my heart was too full; neither did my companion seem to have an appetite. We found something to do which kept us longer together. At 8 o’clock I was not gone, and I had thought to have been off at 5 A.M.

“Doctor,” said I, “I will leave two men with you, who will stop to-day and to-morrow with you, for it may be that you have forgotten something in the hurry of my departure. I will halt a day at Tura, on the frontier of Unyamwezi, for your last word, and your last wish; and now we must part—there is no help for it. Good-bye.”

“Oh, I am coming with you a little way. I must see you off on the road.”

“Thank you. Now, my men, Home! Kirangozi, lift the flag, and MARCH!”

The house looked desolate—it faded from our view. Old times, and the memories of my aspirations and kindling hopes, came strong on me. The old hills round about, that I once thought tame and uninteresting, had become invested with histories and reminiscences for me. On that burzani I have sat hour after hour, dreaming, and hoping, and sighing. On that col I stood, watching the battle and the destruction of Tabora. Under that roof I have sickened and been delirious, and cried out like a child at the fate that threatened my mission. Under that banian tree lay my dead comrade—poor Shaw; I would have given a fortune to have had him by my side at this time. From that house I started on my journey to Ujiji; to it I returned as to a friend, with a newer and dearer companion; and now I leave all. Already it all appears like a strange dream.

We walked side by side; the men lifted their voices into a song. I took long looks at Livingstone, to impress his features thoroughly on my memory.

“The thing is, Doctor, so far as I can understand it, you do not intend to return home until you have satisfied yourself about the ‘Sources of the Nile.’ When you have satisfied yourself, you will come home and satisfy others. Is it not so?”

“That is it, exactly. When your men come back, I shall immediately start for Ufipa; then, crossing the Rungwa River, I shall strike south, and round the extremity of the Tanganika. Then, a south-east course will take me to Chicumbi’s, on the Luapula. On crossing the Luapula, I shall go direct west to the copper-mines of Katanga. Eight days south of Katanga, the natives declare the fountains to be. When I have found them, I shall return by Katanga to the underground houses of Rua. From the caverns, ten days north-east will take me to Lake Kamolondo. I shall be able to travel from the lake, in your boat, up the River Lufira, to Lake Lincoln. Then, coming down again, I can proceed north, by the Lualaba, to the fourth lake—which, I think, will explain the whole problem; and I will probably find that it is either Chowambe (Baker’s lake), or Piaggia’s lake.

“And how long do you think this little journey will take you?”

“A year and a half, at the furthest, from the day I leave Unyanyembe.”

“Suppose you say two years; contingencies might arise, you know. It will be well for me to hire these new men for two years; the day of their engagement to begin from their arrival at Unyanyembe.”

“Yes, that will do excellently well.”

“Now, my dear Doctor, the best friends must part. You have come far enough; let me beg of you to turn back.”

“Well, I will say this to you: you have done what few men could do—far better than some great travellers I know. And I am grateful to you for what you have done for me. God guide you safe home, and bless you, my friend.”

“And may God bring you safe back to us all, my dear friend. Farewell!”

“永别了！”

We wrung each other’s hands, and I had to tear myself away before I unmanned myself; but Susi, and Chumah, and Hamoydah—the Doctor’s faithful fellows—they must all shake and kiss my hands before I could quite turn away. I betrayed myself!

“Good-bye, Doctor—dear friend!”

“再见！”

The FAREWELL between Livingstone and myself had been spoken. We were parted, he to whatever fate Destiny had yet in store for him, to battling against difficulties, to many, many days of marching through wildernesses, with little or nothing much to sustain him save his own high spirit, and enduring faith in God—”who would bring all things right at last;” and I to that which Destiny may have in store for me.

But though I may live half a century longer, I shall never forget that parting scene in Central Africa. I shall never cease to think of the sad tones of that sorrowful word Farewell, how they permeated through every core of my heart, how they clouded my eyes, and made me wish unutterable things which could never be.

An audacious desire to steal one embrace from the dear old man came over me, and almost unmanned me. I felt tempted to stop with him and assist him, on his long return march to the fountain region, but these things were not to be, any more than many other impulsive wishes, and despite the intensified emotions which filled both of us, save by silent tears, and a tremulous parting word, we did not betray our stoicism of manhood and race.

I assumed a gruff voice, and ordered the Expedition to march, and I resolutely turned my face toward the eastern sky. But ever and anon my eyes would seek that deserted figure of an old man in grey clothes, who with bended head and slow steps was returning to his solitude, the very picture of melancholy, and each time I saw him—as the plain was wide and clear of obstructions—I felt my eyes stream, and my heart swell with a vague, indefinable feeling of foreboding and sorrow.

I thought of his lonely figure sitting day after day on the burzani of his house, by which all caravans from the coast would have to pass, and of the many, many times he would ask the new-comers whether they had passed any men coming along the road for him, and I thought as each day passed, and his stores and letters had not arrived how he would grieve at the lengthening delay. I then felt strong again, as I felt that so long as I should be doing service for Livingstone, I was not quite parted from him, and by doing the work effectively and speedily the bond of friendship between us would be strengthened. Such thoughts spurred me to the resolution to march so quickly for the coast, that Arabs in after time should marvel at the speed with which the white man’s caravan travelled from Unyanyembe to Zanzibar.

I took one more look at him; he was standing near the gate of Kwikuru with his servants near him. I waved a handkerchief to him, as a final token of farewell, and he responded to it by lifting his cap. It was the last opportunity, for we soon surmounted the crest of a land-wave, and began the descent into the depression on the other side, and I NEVER saw him more.

God grant, dear reader, that if ever you take to travelling in Central Africa, you find as good and true a man, for your companion, as I found in noble David Livingstone. For four months and four days he and I occupied the same house, or, the same tent, and I never had one feeling of resentment against him, nor did he show any against me, and the longer I lived with him the more did my admiration and reverence for him increase.

What were Livingstone’s thoughts during the time which elapsed between my departure for the coast, and the arrival of his supplies, may be gathered from a letter which he wrote on the 2nd of July to Mr. John F. Webb, American Consul at Zanzibar.

I have been waiting up here like Simeon Stylites on his pillar,
and counting every day, and conjecturing each step taken by our
friend towards the coast, wishing and praying that no sickness
might lay him up, no accident befall him, and no unlooked-for
combinations of circumstances render his kind intentions vain
or fruitless. Mr. Stanley had got over the tendency to the
continued form of fever which is the most dangerous, and was
troubled only with the intermittent form, which is comparatively
safe, or I would not have allowed him, but would have accompanied
him to Zanzibar. I did not tell himself so; nor did I say what I
thought, that he really did a very plucky thing in going through
the Mirambo war in spite of the remonstrances of all the Arabs,
and from Ujiji guiding me back to Unyanyembe. The war, as it
is called, is still going on. The danger lay not so much in
the actual fighting as in the universal lawlessness the war
engendered.

I am not going to inflict on the reader a repetition of our march back, except to record certain incidents which occurred to us as we journeyed to the coast.

March 17th.—We came to the Kwalah River. The first rain of the Masika season fell on this day; I shall be mildewed before I reach the coast. Last year’s Masika began at Bagamoyo, March 23rd, and ended 30th April.

The next day I halted the Expedition at Western Tura, on the Unyamwezi frontier, and on the 20th arrived at Eastern Tura; when, soon after, we heard a loud report of a gun, and Susi and Hamoydah, the Doctor’s servants, with Uredi, and another of my men, appeared with a letter for “Sir Thomas MacLear, Observatory, Cape of Good Hope,” and one for myself, which read as follows:

Kwihara, March 15, 1872.

Dear Stanley,

If you can telegraph on your arrival in London, be particular, please, to say how Sir Roderick is. You put the matter exactly yesterday, when you said that I was “not yet satisfied about the Sources; but as soon as I shall be satisfied, I shall return and give satisfactory reasons fit for other people.” This is just as it stands.

I wish I could give you a better word than the Scotch one to “put a stout heart to a stey brae”—(a steep ascent)—for you will do that; and I am thankful that, before going away, the fever had changed into the intermittent, or safe form. I would not have let you go, but with great concern, had you still been troubled with the continued type. I feel comfortable in commending you to the guardianship of the good Lord and Father of all.

I am gratefully yours,

大卫·利文斯通。

I have worked as hard as I could copying observations made in one line of march from Kabuire, back again to Cazembe, and on to Lake Baugweolo, and am quite tired out. My large figures fill six sheets of foolscap, and many a day will elapse ere I take to copying again. I did my duty when ill at Ujiji in 1869, and am not to blame, though they grope a little in the dark at home. Some Arab letters have come, and I forward them to you.

DL

三月16 1872。

P.S.—I have written a note this morning to Mr. Murray, 50, Albemarle Street, the publisher, to help you, if necessary, in sending the Journal by book post, or otherwise, to Agnes. If you call on him you will find him a frank gentleman. A pleasant journey to you.

大卫·利文斯通。

To Henry M. Stanley, Esq., Wherever he may be found.

Several Wangwana arrived at Tura to join our returning Expedition, as they were afraid to pass through Ugogo by themselves; others were reported coming; but as all were sufficiently warned at Unyanyembe that the departure of the caravan would take place positively on the 14th, I was not disposed to wait longer.

As we were leaving Tura, on the 21st, Susi and Hamoydah were sent back to the Doctor, with last words from me, while we continued our march to Nghwhalah River.

Two days afterwards we arrived before the village of Ngaraisa, into which the head of the caravan attempted to enter but the angry Wakimbu forcibly ejected them.

On the 24th, we encamped in the jungle, in what is called the “tongoni,” or clearing.

This region was at one period in a most flourishing state; the soil is exceedingly fertile; the timber is large, and would be valuable near the coast; and, what is highly appreciated in Africa, there is an abundance of water. We camped near a smooth, broad hump of syenite, at one end of which rose, upright and grand, a massive square rock, which towered above several small trees in the vicinity; at the other end stood up another singular rock, which was loosened at the base.

The members of the Expedition made use of the great sheet of rock to grind their grain; a common proceeding in these lands where villages are not near, or when the people are hostile.

On the 27th of March we entered Kiwyeh. At dawn, when leaving Mdaburu River, the solemn warning had been given that we were about entering Ugogo; and as we left Kaniyaga village, with trumpet-like blasts of the guide’s horn, we filed into the depths of an expanse of rustling Indian corn. The ears were ripe enough for parching and roasting, and thus was one anxiety dispelled by its appearance; for generally, in early March, caravans suffer from famine, which overtakes both natives and strangers.

We soon entered the gum-tree districts, and we knew we were in Ugogo. The forests of this country are chiefly composed of the gum and thorn species—mimosa and tamarisk, with often a variety of wild fruit trees. The grapes were plentiful, though they were not quite ripe; and there was also a round, reddish fruit with the sweetness of the Sultana grape, with leaves like a gooseberry-bush. There was another about the size of an apricot, which was excessively bitter.

Emerging from the entangled thorn jungle, the extensive settlements of Kiwyeh came into view; and to the east of the chief’s village we found a camping place under the shade of a group of colossal baobab.

We had barely encamped when we heard the booming, bellowing war horns sounding everywhere, and we espied messengers darting swiftly in every direction giving the alarm of war. When first informed that the horns were calling the people to arm themselves, and prepare for war, I half suspected that an attack was about to be made on the Expedition; but the words “Urugu, warugu” (thief! thieves!)—bandied about, declared the cause. Mukondoku, the chief of the populous district two days to the north-east, where we experienced some excitement when westward-bound, was marching to attack the young Mtemi, Kiwyeh, and Kiwyeh’s soldiers were called to the fight. The men rushed to their villages, and in a short time we saw them arrayed in full fighting costume. Feathers of the ostrich and the eagle waved over their fronts, or the mane of the zebra surrounded their heads; their knees and ankles were hung with little bells; joho robes floated behind, from their necks; spears, assegais, knob-sticks, and bows were flourished over their heads, or held in their right hands, as if ready for hurling. On each flank of a large body which issued from the principal village, and which came at a uniform swinging double-quick, the ankle and knee bells all chiming in admirable unison, were a cloud of skirmishers, consisting of the most enthusiastic, who exercised themselves in mimic war as they sped along. Column after column, companies, and groups from every village hurried on past our camp until, probably, there were nearly a thousand soldiers gone to the war. This scene gave me a better idea than anything else of the weakness of even the largest caravans which travelled between Zanzibar and Unyanyembe.

At night the warriors returned from the forest; the alarm proved to be without foundation. At first it was generally reported that the invaders were Wahehe, or the Wadirigo, as that tribe are scornfully called from their thieving propensities. The Wahehe frequently make a foray upon the fat cattle of Ugogo. They travel from their own country in the south-east, and advance through the jungle, and when about to approach the herds, stoop down, covering their bodies with their shields of bull-hide. Having arrived between the cattle and the herdsmen, they suddenly rise up and begin to switch the cattle heartily, and, having started them off into the jungle in the care of men already detailed for the work, they turn about, and plant their shields before them, to fight the aroused shepherds.

On the 30th we arrived at Khonze, which is remarkable for the mighty globes of foliage which the giant sycamores and baobabs put forth above the plain. The chief of Khonze boasts of four tembes, out of which he could muster in the aggregate fifty armed men; yet this fellow, instigated by the Wanyamwezi residents, prepared to resist our advance, because I only sent him three doti—twelve yards of cloth—as honga.

We were halted, waiting the return of a few friendly Wagogo travellers who had joined us, and who were asked to assist Bombay in the negotiation of the tribute, when the Wagogo returned to us at breathless speed, and shouted out to me, “Why do you halt here? Do you wish to die? These pagans will not take the tribute, but they boast that they will eat up all your cloth.”

The renegade Wanyamwezi who had married into Wagogo families were always our bane in this country. As the chief of Khonze came up I ordered the men to load their guns, and I loaded my own ostentatiously in his presence, and then strode up to him, and asked if he had come to take the cloth by force, or if he were going to accept quietly what I would give him. As the Mnyamwezi who caused this show of hostilities was beginning to speak, I caught him by the throat, and threatened to make his nose flatter if he attempted to speak again in my presence, and to shoot him first, if we should be forced to fight. The rascal was then pushed away into the rear. The chief, who was highly amused with this proceeding, laughed loudly at the discomfiture of the parasite, and in a short time he and I had settled the tribute to our mutual satisfaction, and we parted great friends. The Expedition arrived at Sanza that night.

On the 31st we came to Kanyenyi, to the great Mtemi—Magomba’s—whose son and heir is Mtundu M’gondeh. As we passed by the tembe of the great Sultan, the msagira, or chief counsellor, a pleasant grey-haired man, was at work making a thorn fence around a patch of young corn. He greeted the caravan with a sonorous “Yambo,” and, putting himself at its head, he led the way to our camp. When introduced to me he was very cordial in his manner. He was offered a kiti-stool and began to talk very affably. He remembered my predecessors, Burton, Speke, and Grant, very well; declared me to be much younger than any of them; and, recollecting that one of the white men used to drink asses’ milk (Burton?), offered to procure me some. The way I drank it seemed to give him very great satisfaction.

His son, Unamapokera, was a tall man of thirty or thereabouts, and he conceived a great friendship for me, and promised that the tribute should be very light, and that he would send a man to show me the way to Myumi, which was a village on the frontier of Kanyenyi, by which I would be enabled to avoid the rapacious Kisewah, who was in the habit of enforcing large tribute from caravans.

With the aid of Unamapokera and his father, we contrived to be mulcted very lightly, for we only paid ten doti, while Burton was compelled to pay sixty doti or two hundred and forty yards of cloth.

On the 1st of April, rising early, we reached Myumi after a four hours’ march; then plunged into the jungle, and, about 2 P.M. arrived at a large ziwa, or pond, situate in the middle of a jungle; and on the next day, at 10 A.M., reached the fields of Mapanga. We were passing the village of Mapanga to a resting-place beyond the village, where we might breakfast and settle the honga, when a lad rushed forward to meet us, and asked us where we were going. Having received a reply that we were going to a camping-place, he hastened on ahead, and presently we heard him talking to some men in a field on our right.

In the meantime, we had found a comfortable shady place, and had come to a halt; the men were reclining on the ground, or standing up near their respective loads; Bombay was about opening a bale, when we heard a great rush of men, and loud shouts, and, immediately after, out rushed from the jungle near by a body of forty or fifty armed men, who held their spears above their heads, or were about to draw their bows, with a chief at their head, all uttering such howls of rage as only savages can, which sounded like a long-drawn “Hhaat-uh—Hhaat-uhh-uhh,” which meant, unmistakably, “You will, will you? No, you will not!”—at once determined, defiant, and menacing.

I had suspected that the voices I heard boded no good to us, and I had accordingly prepared my weapons and cartridges. Verily, what a fine chance for adventure this was! One spear flung at us, or one shot fired into this minatory mob of savages, and the opposing’ bands had been plunged into a fatal conflict! There would have been no order of battle, no pomp of war, but a murderous strife, a quick firing of breech-loaders, and volleys from flint-lock muskets, mixed with the flying of spears and twanging of bows, the cowardly running away at once, pursued by yelping savages; and who knows how it all would have terminated? Forty spears against forty guns—but how many guns would not have decamped? Perhaps all, and I should have been left with my boy gunbearers to have my jugular deliberately severed, or to be decapitated, leaving my head to adorn a tall pole in the centre of a Kigogo village, like poor Monsieur Maizan’s at Dege la Mhora, in Uzaramo. Happy end of an Expedition! And the Doctor’s Journal lost for ever—the fruits of six years’ labor!

But in this land it will not do to fight unless driven to the very last extremity. No belligerent Mungo Park can be successful in Ugogo unless he has a sufficient force of men with him. With five hundred Europeans one could traverse Africa from north to south, by tact, and the moral effect that such a force would inspire. Very little fighting would be required.

Without rising from the bale on which I was seated, I requested the kirangozi to demand an explanation of their furious hubbub and threatening aspect; if they were come to rob us.

“No,” said the chief; “we do not want to stop the road, or to rob you; but we want the tribute.”

“But don’t you see us halted, and the bale opened to send it to you? We have come so far from your village that after the tribute is settled we can proceed on our way, as the day is yet young.”

The chief burst into a loud laugh, and was joined by ourselves. He evidently felt ashamed of his conduct for he voluntarily offered the explanation, that as he and his men were cutting wood to make a new fence for his village, a lad came up to him, and said that a caravan of Wangwana were about passing through the country without stopping to explain who they were. We were soon very good friends. He begged of me to make rain for him, as his crops were suffering, and no rain had fallen for months. I told him that though white people were very great and clever people, much superior to the Arabs, yet we could not make rain. Though very much disappointed, he did not doubt my statement, and after receiving his honga, which was very light, he permitted us to go on our way, and even accompanied us some distance to show us the road.

At 3 P.M. we entered a thorny jungle; and by 5 P.M. we had arrived at Muhalata, a district lorded over by the chief Nyamzaga. A Mgogo, of whom I made a friend, proved very staunch. He belonged to Mulowa, a country to the S.S.E., and south of Kulabi; and was active in promoting my interests by settling the tribute, with the assistance of Bombay, for me. When, on the next day, we passed through Kulabi on our way to Mvumi, and the Wagogo were about to stop us for the honga, he took upon himself the task of relieving us from further toll, by stating we were from Ugogo or Kanyenyi. The chief simply nodded his head, and we passed on. It seems that the Wagogo do not exact blackmail of those caravans who intend only to trade in their own country, or have no intention of passing beyond their own frontier.

Leaving Kulabi, we traversed a naked, red, loamy plain, over which the wind from the heights of Usagara, now rising a bluish-black jumble of mountains in our front, howled most fearfully. With clear, keen, incisive force, the terrible blasts seemed to penetrate through an through our bodies, as though we were but filmy gauze. Manfully battling against this mighty “peppo”—storm—we passed through Mukamwa’s, and crossing a broad sandy bed of a stream, we entered the territory of Mvumi, the last tribute-levying chief of Ugogo.

The 4th of April, after sending Bombay and my friendly Mgogo with eight doti, or thirty-two yards of cloth, as a farewell tribute to the Sultan, we struck off through the jungle, and in five hours we were on the borders of the wilderness of “Marenga Mkali”—the “hard,” bitter or brackish, water.

From our camp I despatched three men to Zanzibar with letters to the American Consul, and telegraphic despatches for the ‘Herald,’ with a request to the Consul that he would send the men back with a small case or two containing such luxuries as hungry, worn-out, and mildewed men would appreciate. The three messengers were charged not to halt for anything—rain or no rain, river or inundation—as if they did not hurry up we should catch them before they reached the coast. With a fervent “Inshallah, bana,” they departed.

On the 5th, with a loud, vigorous, cheery “Hurrah!” we plunged into the depths of the wilderness, which, with its eternal silence and solitude, was far preferable to the jarring, inharmonious discord of the villages of the Wagogo. For nine hours we held on our way, starting with noisy shouts the fierce rhinoceros, the timid quagga, and the herds of antelopes which crowd the jungles of this broad salina. On the 7th, amid a pelting rain, we entered Mpwapwa, where my Scotch assistant, Farquhar, died. We had performed the extraordinary march of 338 English statute miles from the 14th of March to the 7th of April, or within twenty-four days, inclusive of halts, which was a little over fourteen miles a day.

Leukole, the chief of Mpwapwa, with whom I left Farquhar, gave the following account of the death of the latter:—

“The white man seemed to be improving after you left him, until the, fifth day, when, while attempting to rise and walk out of his tent, he fell back; from that minute he got worse and worse, and in the afternoon he died, like one going to sleep. His legs and abdomen had swollen considerably, and something, I think, broke within him when he fell, for he cried out like a man who was very much hurt, and his servant said, ‘The master says he is dying.’

“We had him carried out under a large tree, and after covering him with leaves, there left him. His servant took possession of his things, his rifle, clothes, and blanket, and moved off to the tembe of a Mnyamwezi, near Kisokweh, where he lived for three months, when he also died. Before he died he sold his master’s rifle to an Arab going to Unyanyembe for ten doti (forty yards of cloth). That is all I know about it.”

He subsequently showed me the hollow into which the dead body of Farquhar was thrown, but I could not find a vestige of his bones, though we looked sharply about that we might make a decent grave for them. Before we left Unyanyembe fifty men were employed two days carrying rocks, with which I built up a solid enduring pile around Shaw’s grave eight feet long and five feet broad, which Dr. Livingstone said would last hundreds of years, as the grave of the first white man who died in Unyamwezi. But though we could not discover any remains of the unfortunate Farquhar, we collected a large quantity of stones, and managed to raise a mound near the banks of the stream to commemorate the spot where his body was laid.

It was not until we had entered the valley of the Mukondokwa River that we experienced anything like privation or hardship from the Masika. Here the torrents thundered and roared; the river was a mighty brown flood, sweeping downward with, an almost resistless flow. The banks were brimful, and broad nullahs were full of water, and the fields were inundated, and still the rain came surging down in a shower, that warned us of what we might expect during our transit of the sea-coast region. Still we urged our steps onward like men to whom every moment was precious—as if a deluge was overtaking us. Three times we crossed this awful flood at the fords by means of ropes tied to trees from bank to bank, and arrived at Kadetamare on the 11th, a most miserable, most woe-begone set of human beings; and camped on a hill opposite Mount Kibwe, which rose on the right of the river—one of the tallest peaks of the range.

On the 12th of April, after six hours of the weariest march I had ever undergone, we arrived at the mouth of the Mukondokwa Pass, out of which the river debouches into the Plain of Makata. We knew that it was an unusual season, for the condition of the country, though bad enough the year before, was as nothing compared to this year. Close to the edge of the foaming, angry flood lay our route, dipping down frequently into deep ditches, wherein we found ourselves sometimes up to the waist in water, and sometimes up to the throat. Urgent necessity impelled us onward, lest we might have to camp at one of these villages until the end of the monsoon rains; so we kept on, over marshy bottoms, up to the knees in mire, under jungly tunnels dripping with wet, then into sloughs arm-pit deep. Every channel seemed filled to overflowing, yet down the rain poured, beating the surface of the river into yellowish foam, pelting us until we were almost breathless. Half a day’s battling against such difficulties brought us, after crossing the river, once again to the dismal village of Mvumi.

We passed the night fighting swarms of black and voracious mosquitoes, and in heroic endeavours to win repose in sleep, in which we were partly successful, owing to the utter weariness of our bodies.

On the 13th we struck out of the village of Mvumi. It had rained the whole night, and the morning brought no cessation. Mile after mile we traversed, over fields covered by the inundation, until we came to a branch river-side once again, where the river was narrow, and too deep to ford in the middle. We proceeded to cut a tree down, and so contrived that it should fall right across the stream. Over this fallen tree the men, bestriding it, cautiously moved before them their bales and boxes; but one young fellow, Rojab—through over-zeal, or in sheer madness—took up the Doctor’s box which contained his letters and Journal of his discoveries on his head, and started into the river. I had been the first to arrive on the opposite bank, in order to superintend the crossing; when I caught sight of this man walking in the river with the most precious box of all on his head. Suddenly he fell into a deep hole, and the man and box went almost out of sight, while I was in an agony at the fate which threatened the despatches. Fortunately, he recovered himself and stood up, while I shouted to him, with a loaded revolver pointed at his head, “Look out! Drop that bog, and I’ll shoot you.”

All the men halted in their work while they gazed at their comrade who was thus imperilled by bullet and flood. The man himself seemed to regard the pistol with the greatest awe, and after a few desperate efforts succeeded in getting the box safely ashore. As the articles within were not damaged, Rojab escaped punishment, with a caution not to touch the bog again on any account, and it was transferred to the keeping of the sure-footed and perfect pagazi, Maganga.

From this stream, in about an hour, we came to the main river, but one look at its wild waters was enough. We worked hard to construct a raft, but after cutting down four trees and lashing the green logs together, and pushing them into the whirling current, we saw them sink like lead. We then tied together all the strong rope in our possession, and made a line 180 feet long, with one end of which tied round his body, Chowpereh was sent across to lash it to a tree. He was carried far down the stream; but being an excellent swimmer, he succeeded in his attempt. The bales were lashed around the middle, and, heaved into the stream, were dragged through the river to the opposite bank, as well as the tent, and such things as could not be injured much by the water. Several of the men, as well as myself, were also dragged through the water; each of the boys being attended by the best swimmers; but when we came to the letter-boxes and valuables, we could suggest no means to take them over. Two camps were accordingly made, one on each side of the stream; the one on the bank which I had just left occupying an ant-hill of considerable height; while my party had to content itself with a flat, miry marsh. An embankment of soil, nearly a foot high, was thrown up in a circle thirty feet in diameter, in the centre of which my tent was pitched, and around it booths were erected.

It was an extraordinary and novel position that we found ourselves in. Within twenty feet of our camp was a rising river, with flat, low banks; above us was a gloomy, weeping sky; surrounding us on three sides was an immense forest, on whose branches we heard the constant, pattering rain; beneath our feet was a great depth of mud, black and loathsome; add to these the thought that the river might overflow, and sweep us to utter destruction.

In the morning the river was still rising, and an inevitable doom seemed to hang over us. There was yet time to act—to bring over the people, with the most valuable effects of the Expedition—as I considered Dr. Livingstone’s Journal and letters, and my own papers, of far greater value than anything else. While looking at the awful river an idea struck me that I might possibly carry the boxes across, one at a time, by cutting two slender poles, and tying cross sticks to them, making a kind of hand-barrow, on which a box might rest when lashed to it. Two men swimming across, at the same time holding on to the rope, with the ends of the poles resting on the men’s shoulders, I thought, would be enabled to convey over a 70 lb. box with ease. In a short time one of these was made, and six couples of the strongest swimmers were prepared, and stimulated with a rousing glass of stiff grog each man, with a promise of cloth to each also if they succeeded in getting everything ashore undamaged by the water. When I saw with what ease they dragged themselves across, the barrow on their shoulders, I wondered that I had not thought of the plan before. Within an hour of the first couple had gone over, the entire Expedition was safe on the eastern bank; and at once breaking camp, we marched north through the swampy forest, which in some places was covered with four feet of water. Seven hours’ constant splashing brought us to Rehenneko, after experiencing several queer accidents. We were now on the verge only of the inundated plain of the Makata, which, even with the last year’s rain, was too horrible to think of undertaking again in cold blood.

We were encamped ten days on a hill near Rehenneko, or until the 25th, when, the rain having entirely ceased, we resolved to attempt the crossing of the Makata. The bales of cloth had all been distributed as presents to the men for their work, except a small quantity which I retained for the food of my own mess.

But we should have waited a month longer, for the inundation had not abated four inches. However, after we once struggled up to our necks in water it was use less to turn back. For two marches of eight hours each we plunged through slush, mire, deep sloughs, water up to our necks, and muddy cataclysms, swam across nullahs, waded across gullies, and near sunset of the second day arrived on the banks of the Makata River. My people are not likely to forget that night; not one of them was able to sleep until it was long past midnight, because of the clouds of mosquitoes, which threatened to eat us all up; and when the horn sounded for the march of another day, there was not one dissentient amongst them.

It was 5 A.M. when we began the crossing of the Makata River, but beyond it for six miles stretched one long lake, the waters of which flowed gently towards the Wami. This was the confluence of the streams: four rivers were here gathered into one. The natives of Kigongo warned us not to attempt it, as the water was over our heads; but I had only to give a hint to the men, and we set on our way. Even the water—we were getting quite amphibious—was better than the horrible filth and piles of decaying vegetation which were swept against the boma of the village.

We were soon up to our armpits, then the water shallowed to the knee, then we stepped up to the neck, and waded on tiptoe, supporting the children above the water; and the same experiences occurred as those which we suffered the day before, until we were halted on the edge of the Little Makata, which raced along at the rate of eight knots an hour; but it was only fifty yards wide, and beyond it rose a high bank, and dry park-lands which extended as far as Simbo. We had no other option than to swim it; but it was a slow operation, the current was so swift and strong. Activity and zeal, high rewards, presents of money, backed by the lively feeling that we were nearing home, worked wonders, and in a couple of hours we were beyond the Makata.

Cheery and hopeful, we sped along the dry, smooth path that now lay before us, with the ardor and vivacity of heroes, and the ease and power of veterans, We rolled three ordinary marches into one that day, and long before night arrived at Simbo.

On the 29th we crossed the Ungerengeri, and as we came to Simbamwenni-the “Lion City” of Useguhha—lo! what a change! The flooded river had swept the entire front wall of the strongly-walled city away, and about fifty houses had been destroyed by the torrent. Villages of Waruguru, on the slopes of the Uruguru Mountains—Mkambaku range—had also suffered disastrously. If one-fourth of the reports we heard were true, at least a hundred people must have perished.

The Sultana had fled, and the stronghold of Kimbengo was no more! A deep canal that he had caused to be excavated when alive, to bring a branch of the Ungerengeri near his city—which was his glory and boast—proved the ruin of Simbamwenni. After the destruction of the place the river had formed a new bed, about 300 yards from the city. But what astonished us most were the masses of debris which seemed to be piled everywhere, and the great numbers of trees that were prostrate; and they all seemed to lie in the same direction, as if a strong wind had come from the south-west. The aspect of the Ungerengeri valley was completely changed—from a Paradise it was converted into a howling waste.

We continued our march until we reached Ulagalla, and it was evident, as we advanced, that an unusual storm had passed over the land, for the trees in some places seemed to lie in swathes.

A most fatiguing and long march brought us to Mussoudi, on the eastern bank of the Ungerengeri; but long before we reached it we realized that a terrific destruction of human life and property had occurred. The extent and nature of the calamity may be imagined, when I state that nearly ONE HUNDRED VILLAGES, according to Mussoudi’s report, were swept away.

Mussoudi, the Diwan, says that the inhabitants had gone to rest as usual—as they had done ever since he had settled in the valley, twenty-five years ago—when, in the middle of the night, they heard a roar like many thunders, which woke them up to the fact that death was at work in the shape of an enormous volume of water, that, like a wall, came down, tearing the tallest trees with it, carrying away scores of villages at one fell, sure swoop into utter destruction. The scene six days after the event—when the river has subsided into its normal breadth and depth during the monsoons—is simply awful. Wherever we look, we find something very suggestive of the devastation that has visited the country; fields of corn are covered with many feet of sand and debris; the sandy bed the river has deserted is about a mile wide; and there are but three villages standing of all that I noticed when en route to Unyanyembe. When I asked Mussoudi where the people had gone to, he replied, “God has taken most of them, but some have gone to Udoe.” The surest blow ever struck at the tribe of the Wakami was indeed given by the hand of God; and, to use the words of the Diwan, “God’s power is wonderful, and who can resist Him!”

I again resort to my Diary, and extract the following:

April 30th.—Passing Msuwa, we travelled hurriedly through the jungle which saw such hard work with us when going to Unyanyembe. What dreadful odors and indescribable loathing this jungle produces! It is so dense that a tiger could not crawl through it; it is so impenetrable that an elephant could not force his way! Were a bottleful of concentrated miasma, such as we inhale herein, collected, what a deadly poison, instantaneous in its action, undiscoverable in its properties, would it be! I think it would act quicker than chloroform, be as fatal as prussic acid.

Horrors upon horrors are in it. Boas above our heads, snakes and scorpions under our feet. Land-crabs, terrapins, and iguanas move about in our vicinity. Malaria is in the air we breathe; the road is infested with “hotwater” ants, which bite our legs until we dance and squirm about like madmen. Yet, somehow, we are fortunate enough to escape annihilation, and many another traveller might also. Yet here, in verity, are the ten plagues of Egypt, through which a traveller in these regions must run the gauntlet:

1. Plague of boas. | 7. Suffocation from the 2. Red ants, or “hot-water.” | density of the jungle. 3 Scorpions. | 8. Stench. 4. Thorns and spear cacti. | 9. Thorns in the road. 5. Numerous impediments. | 10. Miasma. 6 Black mud knee-deep. |

May 1st. Kingaru Hera.—We heard news of a great storm having raged at Zanzibar, which has destroyed every house and every ship,—so the story runs;—and the same destruction has visited Bagamoyo and Whinde, they say. But I am by this time pretty well acquainted with the exaggerative tendency of the African. It is possible that serious loss has been sustained, from the evidences of the effects of the storm in the interior. I hear, also, that there are white men at Bagamoyo, who are about starting into the country to look after me (?). Who would look after me, I cannot imagine. I think they must have some confused idea of my Expedition; though, how they came to know that I was looking for any man I cannot conceive, because I never told a soul until I reached Unyanyembe.

May 2nd. Rosako.—I had barely arrived at the village before the three men I despatched from Mvumi, Ugogo, entered, bringing with them from the generous American Consul a few bottles of champagne, a few pots of jam, and two boxes of Boston crackers. These were most welcome after my terrible experiences in the Makata Valley. Inside one of these boxes, carefully put up by the Consul, were four numbers of the ‘Herald’; one of which contained my correspondence from Unyanyembe, wherein were some curious typographical errors, especially in figures and African names. I suppose my writing was wretched, owing to my weakness. In another are several extracts from various newspapers, in which I learn that many editors regard the Expedition into Africa as a myth. Alas! it has been a terrible, earnest fact with me; nothing but hard, conscientious work, privation, sickness, and almost death. Eighteen men have paid the forfeit of their lives in the undertaking. It certainly is not a myth—the death of my two white assistants; they, poor fellows, found their fate in the inhospitable regions of the interior.

One of my letters received from Zanzibar by my messengers states that there is an expedition at Bagamoyo called the “Livingstone Search and Relief Expedition.” What will the leaders of it do now? Livingstone is found and relieved already. Livingstone says he requires nothing more. It is a misfortune that they did not start earlier; then they might with propriety proceed, and be welcomed.

May 4th.—-Arrived at Kingwere’s Ferry, but we were unable to attract the attention of the canoe paddler. Between our camp and Bagamoyo we have an inundated plain that is at least four miles broad. The ferrying of our Expedition across this broad watery waste will occupy considerable time.

May 5th.—Kingwere, the canoe proprietor, came about 11 A.M. from his village at Gongoni, beyond the watery plain. By his movements I am fain to believe him to be a descendant of some dusky King Log, for I have never seen in all this land the attributes and peculiarities of that royal personage so faithfully illustrated as in Kingwere. He brought two canoes with him, short, cranky things, in which only twelve of us could embark at a time. It was 3 o’clock in the afternoon before we arrived at Gongoni village.

May 6th.—After impressing Kingwere with the urgent necessity of quick action on his part, with a promise of an extra five-dollar gold piece, I had the satisfaction to behold the last man reach my camp at 3.30 p.m.

An hour later, and we are en route, at a pace that I never saw equalled at any time by my caravan. Every man’s feelings are intensified, for there is an animated, nay, headlong, impetuosity about their movements that indicates but too well what is going on in their minds. Surely, my own are a faithful index to their feelings; and I do not feel a whit too proud to acknowledge the great joy that possesses me. I feel proud to think that I have been successful; but, honestly, I do not feel so elated at that as at the hope that to-morrow I shall sit before a table bounteous with the good things of this life. How I will glory in the hams, and potatoes, and good bread! What a deplorable state of mind, is it not? Ah, my friend, wait till you are reduced to a skeleton by gaunt famine and coarse, loathsome food—until you have waded a Makata swamp, and marched 525 miles in thirty-five days through such weather as we have had—then you will think such pabula, food fit for gods!

Happy are we that,—after completing our mission, after the hurry and worry of the march, after the anxiety and vexation suffered from fractious tribes, after tramping for the last fifteen days through mire and Stygian marsh,—we near Beulah’s peace and rest! Can we do otherwise than express our happiness by firing away gunpowder until our horns are emptied—than shout our “hurrahs” until we are hoarse—than, with the hearty, soul-inspiring “Yambos,” greet every mother’s son fresh from the sea? Not so, think the Wangwana soldiers; and I so sympathize with them that I permit them to act their maddest without censure.

At sunset we enter the town of Bagamoyo. “More pilgrims come to town,” were the words heard in Beulah. “The white man has come to town,” were the words we heard in Bagamoyo. And we shall cross the water tomorrow to Zanzibar, and shall enter the golden gate; we shall see nothing, smell nothing, taste nothing that is offensive to the stomach any more!

The kirangozi blows his horn, and gives forth blasts potential as Astolpho’s, as the natives and Arabs throng around us. And that bright flag, whose stars have waved over the waters of the great lake in Central Africa, which promised relief to the harassed Livingstone when in distress at Ujiji, returns to the sea once again—torn, it is true, but not dishonoured—tattered, but not disgraced.

As we reached the middle of the town, I saw on the steps of a large white house a white man, in flannels and helmet similar to that I wore. I thought myself rather akin to white men in general, and I walked up to him. He advanced towards me, and we shook hands—did everything but embrace.

“Won’t you walk in?” said he.

“谢谢。”

“What will you have to drink—beer, stout, brandy? Eh, by George! I congratulate you on your splendid success,” said he, impetuously.

I knew him immediately. He was an Englishman. He was Lieut. William Henn, R.N., chief of the Livingstone Search and Relief Expedition, about to be despatched by the Royal Geographical Society to find and relieve Livingstone. The former chief, as the Expedition was at first organized, was Lieut. Llewellyn S. Dawson, who, as soon as he heard from my men that I had found Livingstone, had crossed over to Zanzibar, and, after consultation with Dr. John Kirk, had resigned. He had now nothing further to do with it, the command having formally devolved on Lieut. Henn. A Mr. Charles New, also, missionary from Mombasah, had joined the expedition, but he had resigned too. So now there were left but Lieut. Henn and Mr. Oswell Livingstone, second son of the Doctor.

“Is Mr. Oswell Livingstone here?” I asked, with considerable surprise.

“Yes; he will be here directly.”

“What are you going to do now?” I asked.

“I don’t think it worth my while to go now. You have taken the wind out of our sails completely. If you have relieved him, I don’t see the use of my going. Do you?”

“Well, it depends. You know your own orders best. If you have come only to find and relieve him, I can tell you truly he is found and relieved, and that he wants nothing more than a few canned meats, and some other little things which I dare say you have not got. I have his list in his own handwriting with me. But his son must go anyhow, and I can get men easily enough for him.”

“Well, if he is relieved, it is of no use my going.”

At this time in walked a slight, young, gentlemanly man, with light complexion, light hair, dark, lustrous eyes, who was introduced to me as Mr. Oswell Livingstone. The introduction was hardly necessary, for in his features there was much of what were the specialities of his father. There was an air of quiet resolution about him, and in the greeting which he gave me he exhibited rather a reticent character; but I attributed that to a receptive nature, which augured well for the future.

“I was telling Lieut. Henn that, whether he goes or not, you must go to your father, Mr. Livingstone.”

“Oh, I mean to go.”

“Yes, that’s right. I will furnish you with men and what stores your father needs. My men will take you to Unyanyembe without any difficulty. They know the road well, and that is a great advantage. They know how to deal with the negro chiefs, and you will have no need to trouble your head about them, but march. The great thing that is required is speed. Your father will be waiting for the things.”

“I will march them fast enough, if that is all.”

“Oh, they will be going up light, and they can easily make long marches.”

It was settled, then. Henn made up his mind that, as the Doctor had been relieved, he was not wanted; but, before formally resigning, he intended to consult with Dr. Kirk, and for that purpose he would cross over to Zanzibar the next day with the ‘Herald’ Expedition.

At 2 A.M. I retired to sleep on a comfortable bed. There was a great smell of newness about certain articles in the bedroom, such as haversacks, knapsacks, portmanteaus, leather gun-cases, &c. Evidently the new Expedition had some crudities about it; but a journey into the interior would soon have lessened the stock of superfluities, which all new men at first load themselves with.

Ah! what a sigh of relief was that I gave, as I threw myself on my bed, at the thought that, “Thank God! my marching was ended.”

At 5 P.M., on the 7th of May, 1872, the dhow which conveyed my Expedition back to Zanzibar arrived in the harbor, and the men, delighted to find themselves once more so near their homes, fired volley after volley, the American flag was hoisted up, and we soon saw the house-roofs and wharves lined with spectators, many of whom were Europeans, with glasses levelled at us.

We drew ashore slowly; but a boat putting off to take us to land, we stepped into it, and I was soon in presence of my friend the Consul, who heartily welcomed me back to Zanzibar; and soon after was introduced to the Rev. Charles New, who was but a day or two previous to my arrival an important member of the English Search Expedition—a small, slight man in appearance, who, though he looked weakly, had a fund of energy or nervousness in him which was almost too great for such a body. He also heartily congratulated me.

After a bounteous dinner, to which I did justice in a manner that astonished my new friends, Lieut. Dawson called to see me, and said:

“Mr. Stanley, let me congratulate you, sir.”

Lieut. Dawson then went on to state how he envied me my success; how I had “taken the wind out of his sails” (a nautical phrase similar to that used by Lieut. Henn); how, when he heard from my men that Dr. Livingstone had been found, he at once crossed over from Bagamoyo to Zanzibar, and, after a short talk with Dr. Kirk, at once resigned.

“But do you not think, Mr. Dawson, you have been rather too hasty in tendering your resignation, from the more verbal report of my men?”

“Perhaps,” said he; “but I heard that Mr. Webb had received a letter from you, and that you and Livingstone had discovered that the Rusizi ran into the lake—that you had the Doctor’s letters and despatches with you.”

“Yes; but you acquired all this information from my men; you have seen nothing yourself. You have therefore resigned before you had personal evidence of the fact.”

“Well, Dr. Livingstone is relieved and found, as Mr. Henn tells me, is he not?”

“Yes, that is true enough. He is well supplied; he only requires a few little luxuries, which I am going to send him by an expedition of fifty freemen. Dr. Livingstone is found and relieved, most certainly; and I have all the letters and despatches which he could possibly send to his friends.”

“But don’t you think I did perfectly right?”

“Hardly—though, perhaps, it would come to the same thing in the end. Any more cloth and beads than he has already would be an incumbrance. Still, you have your orders from the Royal Geographical Society. I have not seen those yet, and I am not prepared to judge what your best course would have been. But I think you did wrong in resigning before you saw me; for then you would have had, probably, a legitimate excuse for resigning. I should have held on to the Expedition until I had consulted with those who sent me; though, in such an event as this, the order would be, perhaps, to ‘Come home.'”

“As it has turned out, though, don’t you think I did right?”

“Most certainly it would be useless for you to go to search for and relieve Livingstone now, because he has already been sought, found, and relieved; but perhaps you had other orders.”

“Only, if I went into the country, I was then to direct my attention to exploration; but the primary object having been forestalled by you, I am compelled to return home. The Admiralty granted me leave of absence only for the search, and never said anything about exploration.”

That evening I despatched a boy over to the English Consulate with letters from the great traveller for Dr. Kirk and Mr. Oswell Livingstone.

I was greeted warmly by the American and German residents, who could not have shown warmer feeling than if Dr. Livingstone had been a near and dear relation of their own. Capt. H. A. Fraser and Dr. James Christie were also loud in their praises. It seems that both of these gentlemen had attempted to despatch a private expedition to the relief of their countryman, but through some means it had failed. They had contributed the sum of $500 to effect this laudable object; but the man to whom they had entrusted its command had been engaged by another for a different purpose, at a higher sum. But, instead of feeling annoyed that I had performed what they had intended to do, they were among my most enthusiastic admirers.

The next day I received a call from Dr. Kirk, who warmly congratulated me upon my success. Bishop Tozer also came, and thanked me for tie service I had rendered to Dr. Livingstone.

On this day I also discharged my men, and re-engaged twenty of them to return to the “Great Master.” Bombay, though in the interior he had scorned the idea of money rewards, and though he had systematically, in my greatest need, endeavoured to baffle me in every way, received, besides his pay, a present of $50, and each man, according to his merits, from $20 to $50. For this was a day to bury all animosities, and condone all offences. They, poor people, had only acted according to their nature, and I remembered that from Ujiji to the coast they had all behaved admirably.

I saw I was terribly emaciated and changed when I presented myself before a full-length mirror. All confirmed my opinion that I was much older in my appearance, and that my hair had become grey. Capt. Fraser had said, when I hailed him, “You have the advantage of me, sir!” and until I mentioned my name he did not know me. Even then he jocosely remarked that he believed that it was another Tichborne affair. I was so different that identity was almost lost, even during the short period of thirteen months; that is, from March 23rd, 1871, to May 7th, 1872.

Lieut. Henn the morning after my arrival formally resigned, and the Expedition was from this time in the hands of Mr. Oswell Livingstone, who made up his mind to sell the stores, retaining such as would be useful to his father.

After disbanding my Expedition, I set about preparing another, according to Dr. Livingstone’s request. What the English Expedition lacked I purchased out of the money advanced by Mr. Oswell Livingstone. The guns, fifty in number, were also furnished out of the stores of the English Expedition by him; and so were the ammunition, the honga cloth, for the tribute to the Wagogo, and the cloth for provisioning the force. Mr. Livingstone worked hard in the interests of his father and assisted me to the utmost of his ability. He delivered over to me, to be packed up, ‘Nautical Almanacs’ for 1872, 1873, 1874; also a chronometer, which formerly belonged to Dr. Livingstone. All these things, besides a journal, envelopes, note-books, writing-paper, medicines, canned fruits and fish, a little wine, some tea, cutlery and table ware, newspapers, and private letters and despatches, were packed up in air-tight tin boxes, as well as 100 lbs. of fine American flour, and some boxes of soda biscuits.

Until the 19th of May it was understood that Mr. Oswell Livingstone would take charge of the caravan to his father; but about this date he changed his mind, and surprised me with a note stating he had decided not to go to Unyanyembe, for reasons he thought just and sufficient.

Under these circumstances, my duty was to follow out the instructions of Dr. Livingstone, in procuring a good and efficient leader to take charge of the caravan as far as Unyanyembe.

In a few hours I succeeded in obtaining an Arab highly recommended from Sheikh Hashid, whom I engaged at an advance of $100. The young Arab, though not remarkably bright, seemed honest and able, but I left his further employment after reaching Unyanyembe to Dr. Livingstone, who would be able to decide then whether he was quite trustworthy.

The next day I collected the men of the new Livingstone Expedition together, and as it was dangerous to allow them to wander about the city, I locked them up in a courtyard, and fed them there, until every soul, fifty seven in number, answered to their names.

In the meantime, through the American Consul’s assistance, I obtained the services of Johari, the chief dragoman of the American Consulate, who was charged with the conduct of the party across the inundated plain of the Kingani, and who was enjoined on no account to return until the Expedition had started on its march from the western bank of the Kingani River. Mr. Oswell Livingstone generously paid him a douceur for the promise of doing his work thoroughly.

A dhow having been brought to anchor before the American Consulate, I then addressed my old companions, saying, “You are now about to return to Unyanyembe, to the ‘Great Master’. You know him; you know he is a good man, and has a kind heart. He is different from me; he will not beat you, as I have done. But you know I have rewarded you all—how I have made you all rich in cloth and money. You know how, when you behaved yourselves well, I was your friend. I gave you plenty to eat and plenty to wear. When you were sick I looked after you. If I was so good to you, the ‘Great Master’ will be much more so. He has a pleasant voice, and speaks kind. When did you ever see him lift his hand against an offender? When you were wicked, he did not speak to you in anger—he spoke to you in tones of sorrow. Now, will you promise me that you will follow him—do what he tells you, obey him in all things, and not desert him?”

“We will, we will, my master!” they all cried, fervently.

“Then there is one thing more. I want to shake hands with you all before you go—and we part for ever;” and they all rushed up at once, and a vigorous shake was interchanged with each man.

“Now, let every man take up his load!”

In a short time I marched them out into the street, and to the beach; saw them all on board, and the canvas hoisted, and the dhow speeding westward on her way to Bagamoyo.

I felt strange and lonely, somehow. My dark friends, who had travelled over so many hundreds of miles, and shared so many dangers with me, were gone, and I—was left behind. How many of their friendly faces shall I see again?

On the 29th, the steamer ‘Africa,’ belonging to the German Consulate, was chartered by a party of five of us, and we departed from Zanzibar to Seychelles, with the good wishes of almost all the European residents on the island.

We arrived at Seychelles on the 9th of June, about twelve hours after the French mail had departed for Aden. As there is only monthly communication between Mahe (Seychelles) and Aden, we were compelled to remain on the island of Mahe one month.

My life in Mahe is among the most agreeable things connected with my return from Africa. I found my companions estimable gentlemen, and true Christians. Mr. Livingstone exhibited many amiable traits of character, and proved himself to be a studious, thoughtful, earnest man. When at last the French steamer came from Mauritius, there was not one of our party who did not regret leaving the beautiful island, and the hospitable British officers who were stationed there. The Civil Commissioner, Mr. Hales Franklyn, and Dr. Brooks, did their utmost to welcome the wanderer, and I take this opportunity to acknowledge the many civilities I personally received from them.

At Aden, the passengers from the south were transferred on board the French mail steamer, the ‘Mei-kong,’ en route from China to Marseilles. At the latter port I was received with open arms by Dr. Hosmer and the representative of the ‘Daily Telegraph,’ and was then told how men regarded the results of the Expedition; but it was not until I arrived in England that I realised it.

Mr. Bennett, who originated and sustained the enterprise, now crowned it by one of the most generous acts that could be conceived. I had promised Dr. Livingstone, that twenty-four hours after I saw his letters to Mr. Bennett published in the London journals, I would post his letters to his family and friends in England. In order to permit me to keep my plighted word, and in order that there might be no delay in the delivery of his family letters, Mr. Bennett’s agent telegraphed to New York the ‘Herald’ letters I had received from Dr. Livingstone at an expense of nearly £2,000.

And now, dear reader, the time has come for you and I to part. Let us hope that it is not final. A traveller finds himself compelled to repeat the regretful parting word often. During the career recorded in the foregoing book, I have bidden many farewells; to the Wagogo, with their fierce effrontery; to Mionvu, whose blackmailing once so affected me; to the Wavinza, whose noisy clatter promised to provoke dire hostilities; to the inhospitable Warundi; to the Arab slave-traders and half-castes; to all fevers, remittent, and intermittent; to the sloughs and swamps of Makata; to the brackish waters and howling wastes; to my own dusky friends and followers, and to the hero-traveller and Christian gentleman, David Livingstone. It is with kindliest wishes to all who have followed my footsteps on these pages that I repeat once more—Farewell.

CONCLUDING CHAPTER.

The following correspondence, and especially the last letter, which was accompanied by a beautiful and valuable gold snuff-box set with brilliants, will be treasured by me as among the pleasantest results of my undertaking.

H. M. S.

Foreign Office, August 1.

Sir, I am directed by Earl Granville to acknowledge the receipt of a packet containing letters and despatches from Dr. Livingstone, which you were good enough to deliver to her Majesty’s ambassador at Paris for transmission to this department; and I am to convey to you his Lordship’s thanks for taking charge of these interesting documents.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant, ENFIELD.

Henry M. Stanley, Esq., ‘New York Herald Bureau,’ 46, Fleet Street, London,

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London, August 2.

Henry M. Stanley, Esq., has handed to me to-day the diary of Dr. Livingstone, my father, sealed and signed by my father, with instructions written on the outside, signed by my father, for the care of which, and for all his actions concerning and to my father, our very best thanks are due. We have not the slightest reason to doubt that this is my father’s journal, and I certify that the letters he has brought home are my father’s letters, and no others.

Tom S. Livingstone

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August 2，1872。

Sir, I was not aware until you mentioned it that there was any doubt as to the authenticity of Dr. Livingstone’s despatches, which you delivered to Lord Lyons on the 31st of July. But, in consequence of what you said I have inquired into the matter, and I find that Mr. Hammond, the Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office, and Mr. Wylde, the head of the Consular and Slave Trade Department, have not the slightest doubt as to the genuineness of the papers which have been received from Lord Lyons, and which are being printed.

I cannot omit this opportunity, of expressing to you my admiration of the qualities which have enabled you to achieve the object of your mission, and to attain a result which has been hailed with so much enthusiasm both in the United States and in this country.

I am, Sir,

Your obedient,

GRANVILLE.

Henry Stanley, Esq.

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Foreign Office, August 27.

先生，

I have great satisfaction in conveying to you, by command of the Queen, her Majesty’s high appreciation of the prudence and zeal which you have displayed in opening a communication with Dr. Livingstone, and relieving her Majesty from the anxiety which, in common with her subjects, she had felt in regard to the fate of that distinguished traveller.

The Queen desires me to express her thanks for the service you have thus rendered, together with her Majesty’s congratulations on your having so successfully carried on the mission which you fearlessly undertook. Her Majesty also desires me to request your acceptance of the memorial which accompanies this letter.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

格兰维尔