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美国主流媒体大都排除了有趣,重要和有争议的观点
 博客浏览詹姆斯·彼得拉斯(James Petras)档案
通过剥削,奴役和虐待使美国变得伟大
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The public denunciation by thousands of women and a few men that they had been victims of sexual abuse by their economic bosses raises fundamental issues about the social relations of American capitalism.

The moral offenses are in essence economic and social crimes. Sexual abuse is only 一种 aspect of the social dynamics facilitating the increase in inequality and concentration of wealth, which define the practices and values of the American political and economic system.

Billionaires and mega-millionaires are themselves the products of intense exploitation of tens of millions of isolated and unorganized wage and salaried workers. Capitalist exploitation is based on a rigid hierarchy with its private prerogatives, which enables the oligarchs to demand their feudal privileges, their seigniorial sexual predations.

US capitalism thrives on and requires unlimited power and the capacity to have the public treasury pay for its untrammeled pillage of land, labor, transport systems and technological development. Capitalist power, in the United States, has no counterpart; there are few if any countervailing forces to provide any balance.

Today, 93% of US private sector workers have no organized representation. Moreover, many of the 7% who are in unions are controlled and exploited by their corrupt union officials – in league with the bosses.

This concentration of power produces the ever deepening inequalities between the world of the billionaires and the millions of low-wage workers.

The much-celebrated technological innovations have been subsidized by the state and its educational and research institutions. Although these are financed by the taxpayers, the citizen-workers are marginalized by the technological changes, like robotics, that they originally funded. High tech innovations flourish because they concentrate power, profits and private privilege.

The hierarchical matrix of power and exploitation has led to the polarization of mortality rates and moral codes. For the working poor, the absence of competent health care has led to the massive use and abuse of prescription opioids and other addictive drugs. For the upper class, it has led to the flagrant physical and psychological abuse of vulnerable employees, especially, but not exclusively young working women. The prestigious bourgeois media blur the class polarization by constant reference to what they term ‘our shared traditional democratic values.’

The pervasive and growing vulnerability of workers of both sexes coincides with the incorporation of the latest technological innovations in production, distribution and promotion. This includes electronic and digital advances, artificial intelligence, robotics and extensive surveillance on workers, which incorporate high profits for the investors and long hours of demeaning monotonous work for those who manufacture and transport the ‘products’.

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The proliferation of new technology has grown in direct relation with the abject debasement of labor and the marginalization and trivialization of workers. Amazon and Walmart approach trillions of dollars in revenue from mass consumption, even as the Chaplinesque speed-up of robotized humans race to fill the overnight delivery orders. The entertainment industry amuses the population across class lines with increasingly vulgar and violent offerings, while the moguls of film entertain themselves with their young workers – who are depersonalized and even raped.

The more egregious immorality exposes itself one time too often and is condemned, while the victims are temporality lionized for their courage to protest. The worst predators apologize, resign to their yachts and mansions and are replaced by new avatars with the same power and structures in place which had facilitated the abuse. Politicians rush to embrace the victims in a kind of political and media ‘Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy’ when one considers their own role as enablers of this dehumanization.

The problem is not merely corrupt and perverted individual miscreants: It is the hierarchy of inequality which produces and reproduces an endless supply of vulnerable workers to exploit and abuse.

The most advanced forms of entertainment thrive in an environment of absolute impunity in which the occasional exposé of abuse or corruption is hidden behind a monetary settlement. The courage of an individual victim able to secure public attention is a step forward, but will have greater significance if it is organized and linked to a massive challenging of the power of the bourgeois entertainment industry and the system of high tech exploitation. Sexual abuse of an individual in the workplace is just part of a chain that begins with exploitation of workers in general and can only be stopped through collective worker organization.

Can anyone say with a straight face that the US remains a nation of free and autonomous citizens? Servitude and moral degradation are the outcome of an atomized, impotent laboring class who may change one boss for another or one vulgar president for a moralizing hypocrite. We hope that the exposés will start something but without class conscious organizations we don’t know what will arise.

 
• 类别: 思想 •标签: 资本主义, 不等式, 工人阶级 
隐藏3条评论发表评论
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  1. 娱乐业通过日益低俗和暴力的手段使阶级阶层的人们感到很有趣,而电影大亨则与年轻工人一起娱乐,他们被人格化甚至被强奸。

    这些“年轻工人”简直就是妓女,就像各个年龄段的女演员一样。 而且,每个#MeToo Hollywood妓女都越过墙不是很有趣吗?

    谁能直率地说美国仍然是一个拥有自由和自治公民的国家?

    大多数人自由奴役自己。 这并不意味着我们应该使他们的重担更加沉重(或者更糟糕的是,完全试图用外国帮派来代替工人阶级),但是我们不要自欺欺人,“工人”是工人,这是有原因的。

  2. 好的点子还可以,但是许多自由主义者和保守派会争论很多,他们认为目前的资本主义安排还可以。 例如,您说:

    “权力的这种集中在亿万富翁和数百万低薪工人的世界之间加剧了日益加剧的不平等。”

    一些自由主义者和保守主义者会认为这是自然而适当的事态。 这些欠薪工人很可能会因为自己的不足和缺乏努力而留在原地。 应该以创新者和“有能力”的人来庆祝亿万富翁,他们应该这样做,而不是抱怨并寻求“政府施舍”,或者是一些标准的叙述。

    您将如何解决这些问题? 您将如何遇到上述类似的反对意见?

  3. Anonymous [又名“ BendGuyhere”] 说:

    首先,作者是否可以尝试一种更具说明性的写作风格,而不是简单的钝性陈述式句子? 请?

    第二,俗话说“他们租你,他们不拥有你”。 每个有希望的年轻求职者都有能力告诉哈维·维恩斯坦(Harvey Wienstein),或者不管今天是谁,都可以去他妈的他(或她)自己,然后离开那个办公室。

    每次求职面试都是一条两条路。 求职者和他们一样重要。

    虐待工作面试是一个早期的线索,您可能真的不想浪费宝贵的时间来做一堆小怪兽。

    是的,诉讼确实倾向于集中精力。 我强烈赞成通过使用诉讼和律师来提高分数。

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