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美国工人阶级:改组,撤退,反应
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美国极权势力的崛起? 平民军国主义者、犹太复国主义者和新自由主义者对国会和行政部门的控制几乎没有遭到工人阶级或“工会”的抵制。 精英。

介绍

相反,工人阶级的重要阶层投票支持布什,大多数人支持帝国主义对伊拉克和阿富汗的战争。*布什政权正面攻击工人最基本的权利? 像社会保障、养老金和伤残补助金一样,都没有遭到工人阶级的任何大规模抗议。 在这篇文章中,我们将考虑工人阶级构成的结构性变化、美国工会机构的衰落和失败以及大规模原教旨主义运动的兴起,这些是工人阶级被动、共谋和无能的关键决定因素。面对右翼对工作条件、社会福利和生活水平的攻击。

工人阶级的重组

在过去的 75 年里,美国工会制造业的工人阶级下降了 40% 以上。 1980-2000 年间,数以百万计的制造业工作岗位被转移到海外? 尤其是中国、墨西哥等低薪国家。 在新的千年里,数十万个熟练的制造和服务工作被外包给了国外。

*到 2005 年 25,000 月,经过两年的战争,美国伤亡人数超过 XNUMX(死、伤和精神错乱),大多数工人阶级不再支持战争或布什。

其次,许多以前在肉类包装、建筑、餐厅和酒店、纺织和服装工作中加入工会的工人已被非法移民取代,他们的工作工资只是以前支付给有组织劳工的工资的一小部分。 资本家得到工会老板的帮助和怂恿,他们干预激进的地方工会,帮助挫败罢工并签署了扭转工资和福利收益的协议。

今天的工人阶级绝大多数都没有加入工会 (91%),大多数在低薪服务业工作,超过一半没有足够的健康和养老金计划、工作保障或保护。 关键点是?工人贵族? ? 高薪、加入工会的工人,就业稳定,社会福利丰厚 ? 不复存在。 少数工人收入丰厚并享有社会福利,但即使是这些工人也因分包而失业。 这些工人的趋势是增加他们对健康和养老基金的个人支付。 主要趋势是“工人”的减少。 贵族?。 少数收入较高的工人没有加入工会,社会福利越来越少,社会态度保守。

这部分是两种类型的企业“搬迁”的结果。 大多数新的汽车工厂建立在南部各州(阿拉巴马州和田纳西州),而不是北部各州。 所有主要的日本、德国和韩国汽车制造商(丰田、日产、梅赛德斯、现代)都在南方投资了数十亿美元的新工厂,在那里他们获得免租土地、免税和反工会、亲商立法。 投资的第二个转移是海外,转向中国、墨西哥、中美洲和加勒比地区以及矿产和能源丰富的国家。 超过 50% 的?中国?s? 对美国的出口是由美国跨国公司完成的。 美国已经从?工业? 商业化? (买办)资本。 当今美国最大的雇员是大型百货公司(沃尔玛、Target、Lowes 和 K-Mart)、快餐店(麦当劳、必胜客、Wendys 和肯德基)和超市。 绝大多数工人在这些?服务? 寡头垄断企业没有加入工会,所有的工资都接近最低工资; 并且很少有员工受到健康计划的保障。 大多数劳动力“不稳定”,工作时间不到 30 小时,而且流动率很高。

重组对工人阶级政治的影响

工人阶级的转型、迁移和重新组合已经产生了深刻的社会和政治后果。 低薪?服务人员? 几乎没有“阶级意识”,他们不属于任何工会,他们最有影响力的“社会参考”? 是宗教组织、枪支俱乐部、反动的大众媒体及其管理者。 因此,最贫穷和最受剥削的非工会工人,尤其是在南方,最容易受到“道德? 支持共和党极右翼乔治·布什的原教旨主义福音派教会的呼吁。 基督教犹太复国主义者与以色列政府、以色列犹太定居者和美国主要的犹太组织结盟。

乔治布什的大多数工人阶级选民是未加入工会的、白人、南方人、宗教原教旨主义者,而且往往是收入微薄的服务业和工厂工人。 宗教权利?社会计划? 是针对妇女的权利、同性恋者、工会、左派、黑人、移民,并支持盲目沙文主义、军国主义和专制警察国家立法(反恐?爱国者法案?)。

与工人阶级的这个反动部门截然相反的是北方工会工人,在大型企业中,他们有“历史”? 阶级斗争以及公共部门和社会服务工会的少数族裔工人之间的斗争。 在这个群体中,黑人和拉丁裔工人是最激进的,至少在对帝国主义战争的政治态度、国民健康、社会保障、养老金等方面是如此。

尽管如此,美国政治经济内部的历史趋势有利于工人阶级保守部门的扩张。 首先,在过去 35 年里,加入工会的工人比例从 12% 下降到 35%(在私营部门工人中,只有 9% 加入了工会!)。 其次,失业率最高的是年轻的黑人工人? 在 40-18 岁的人群中超过 25%。 第三,制造业向南方迁移以及北方和中西部的衰落加强了工人阶级的保守部门。 非工会服务人员的主导地位可能会继续和增长,增加没有阶级组织、没有团结精神、容易被右翼操纵的工人比例。 如果结构变化导致“保守化”? 在工人阶级中,工会在促进这一进程方面发挥了重要作用。

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工会在工人阶级右转中的作用
工会在削弱工人阶级团结方面发挥了主要作用,原因是(1)很少或根本没有努力组织低收入的服务工人群众; (2)未能挑战南方新兴产业资本家; (3) 支持亲商民主党; (4) 干预激进的地方工会,开除地方领导人,并同意以对老板有利的条件结束罢工; (5) 通过强迫工人接受减少工资的合同,增加老板解雇工人的权力,加剧剥削,并增加工人的养老金和健康计划; (6) 与国务院和中央情报局合作,试图推翻进步政府(例如委内瑞拉查韦斯总统的案例),从而为跨国公司将业务转移到美国以外的地区提供有利机会; (7) 在卡车司机(运输和卡车司机)、建筑(劳工)、港口工人(东海岸)和其他主要工会等工会中与黑手党合作并保持联系。

The ?trade unions? in the US do not function as trade unions, nor does the internal structure of these unions in any way resemble a class-oriented trade union. What are called the ?trade unions? in the US fail the basic criteria ? they do not strike, defend working conditions, protect jobs or raise wages and benefits. The history of the last quarter century demonstrate that ?trade unions? apparatus serves to discipline labor for capitalist exploitation, signs agreements to reduce social benefits and wages, and has no influence on government policy to secure any favorable legislation despite spending upwards of \$100 million dollars to elect Democratic Presidents and congress-people.

The internal structure of the ?trade union? is similar to a corporation. The top officials pay themselves between \$300,000 to \$500,000 dollars a year salary plus expenses. Their ?staff? of advisers average \$100,000 a year. The apparatus resembles a ?feudal? structure rather than a ?bureaucracy?: functionaries are appointed for their unquestioned loyalty to the officials above them. In many cases family members are appointed to high paying posts. Most top officials receive two or even more pensions when they retire: they collect pensions from their national, regional and local union funds.

Most ?union? officials are busy administering financial transactions, using pension funds and dues to lend to friends and relatives investing in real estate and other businesses. The main role of the trade unions is to administer ?services? ? credit cards, tourist vacations and discount merchandise.

The trade union ?organization? does not allow internal democracy. Most ?trade unions? are ?one-party states? ? with a single list, which re-elects the same leaders for decades or elects new leaders, appointed or selected by the preceding boss. The money paid to the Democrats is largely ?protection money? to secure immunity from prosecution for fraud, embezzlement etc, or to maintain a minimum of affiliates to keep collecting dues from the shrinking membership.

The decline and degeneration of the trade unions into a personalistic, authoritarian, executive apparatus tied to bourgeois parties and collaborating with imperialist policies means that US workers do not have any meaningful social reference to orient their political outlook. Workers see the ?trade unions? as another authoritarian pro-capitalist apparatus with little power or credibility. Yet over 50% of US workers who are not unionized think that trade unions could improve their living standards. The gap between working class preference for trade unions (50%) and the actual low level of trade union affiliations (12%) is explained by the lack of militancy and commitments to class struggle by the existing ?trade unions?.

Without class-oriented trade unions, other organized groups play a bigger role in influencing workers political attitudes, voting behavior and social values. For example, many millions of workers attend churches and are susceptible to influence by the clergy and their ?social action? agenda. The most active and better organized groups are the fundamentalist protestant groups who are allied with the ultra-right Bush regime and the Zionist neo-conservatives. There is a strong correlation between non-unionization, influential fundamentalist groups and working class voting for George Bush.

There are numerous other groups like the veterans groups (American Legion), gun clubs (National Rifle Association) and such, to which many workers belong and which support the most militarist politicians. Finally the fact that the AFL-CIO supports all the imperialist wars ? from Vietnam, Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan ? and wages war against progressive regimes in Venezuela, Cuba and elsewhere means that even unionized workers are pushed toward rightwing politics by the ?unions?.

No doubt there are many progressive local trade union militants and some local unions, who engage in protests against injustice and the war, but they do so despite the AFL-CIO confederation and not because of it.

总结

Both objective restructuring of the US economy and the relocation of MNCs have weakened the organization of US workers and created fear and relative conformity in the face of the capitalist offensive.

Yet these ?objective? structural changes would not have taken place, if it were not for the degeneration and transformation of the trade unions into a reactionary business organization imbued with imperialist ideology and a shrinking membership of 9% of the private sector workers.

The convergence of the objective economic transformation of US capitalism and the absence of any national working class organization has made the US working class vulnerable to right-wing appeals. The only hope for the distant future is that a new trade union confederation will emerge which will turn to direct action to organize the 90% of the working class that is not organized, the 50% without adequate affordable medical coverage, the 70% with little or no pension coverage, the 80% which receives less than 2 weeks vacation a year, and the 99% of women workers who do not receive paid maternity leave.

(从重新发布 James Petras网站 经作者或代表的许可)
 
• 类别: 经济学 •标签: 工人阶级 
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