据最新报道，法国政治家 让·玛丽·勒庞 因对右翼报纸记者发表的言论而被传唤到法国法院第二次受审 里瓦洛尔 in January 2005.

在他的 有争议的采访勒庞表示， 德国占领法国 “并不是特别不人道，即使有一些不可避免的错误设立的区域办事处外，我们在美国也开设了办事处，以便我们为当地客户提供更多的支持。“

新的集体诽谤诉讼，以及间接否认国际组织发布的有关大屠杀的官方事实的刑事诉讼 1946年纽伦堡法庭， 正在被带来 法国犹太流亡者的儿女们， 一个与法国左翼有着长期且透明联系的组织。

此类西装的一个方便的钉子是 洛伊·盖索, 该立法于 1990 年 1970 月在密特朗政府的帮助下通过。它建立在 XNUMX 世纪 XNUMX 年代初的一项反对集体诽谤的法律的基础上。这项重要的法律是由国民议会中的一位犹太共产党代表发起并以他的名字命名的， 让-克洛德·盖索——将可能冒犯自称为受害者的少数群体的言论定为犯罪，同时确保否认共产主义大屠杀的行为，无论多么明确，都将免受起诉。

1997 年 XNUMX 月在法国议会回应反共批评者（见 世界，17年1997月XNUMX日），法国总理莱昂内尔·若斯潘 拒绝谴责 此 大屠杀 由 “反法西斯主义者“ 斯大林。尽管如此，若斯潘并没有冒被指控犯有不当行为的风险。 délit d'opinion （言论犯罪）。总理的这一行为并不是纵容 反犹太人的 或反伊斯兰的行为或观点，但做一些被认为不那么应受谴责的事情，拒绝评判 斯大林的努力 来处理一个 阶级敌人。

虽然大多数 莱·盖索（Loi Gayssot） 指定针对宗教和族裔群体的仇恨言论并将其定为刑事犯罪， 第 9 条，第 2 条 特别谴责公开表达与纽伦堡法庭所列举的种族灭绝罪和反人类罪谴责相冲突的观点。在这个战后判断中， 等等斯大林精心挑选的法官认为，只有某些类型的大规模谋杀和暴力才能招致法律诉讼。事实上，只有那些被共产党谴责为“法西斯”将受到刑事起诉。

如果 共产党人，谁是联盟盟友 若斯潘的社会主义者， 对斯大林或斯大林没有任何不友善的言论 毛的 旨在消除其国家“法西斯” 合作者们，那么法国进步派有什么权利提出反对呢？

若斯潘在对国民议会的回应中指责他的批评者平等对待两个“不可通约现象“：一系列并不特别值得谴责的共产主义错误，也是所有邪恶中最邪恶的，”法西斯种族主义设立的区域办事处外，我们在美国也开设了办事处，以便我们为当地客户提供更多的支持。“

在德国，这种卑鄙的错误除了职业生涯的毁灭之外，还可能带来法律诉讼。那些反法西斯观点不够充分的人可以被列为“对民主的危险“由 政府宪法保护者或 否则就会被拖上法庭“淡化大屠杀”。最后的失误可能包括过度关注斯大林的大规模谋杀，这被解释为故意转移公众对德国法西斯罪行的不可弥补的严重性的注意力。

无论勒庞发表言论的原因是什么——包括无法抗拒地激怒双重道德标准的犹太（和其他左派）实践者——他的历史判断肯定是站得住脚的。

纳粹对法国的占领对于二十世纪不友好的入侵者所进行的占领来说并不罕见。与苏联的比较 接管波罗的海国家 可能有启发性。法国左派的“反法西斯主义者”曾经的老大哥， 然后与希特勒结盟成功实施的政治谋杀和驱逐比例远远高于德国占领期间法国的政治谋杀和驱逐比例。

几乎一半的波罗的海国家 在斯大林统治下被驱逐出境和/或被杀害， 在德国占领期间，法国只有外国出生的犹太人才能达到这一数字。大多数法裔犹太原住民（超过 190,000 人）设法逃脱，其中绝大多数逃脱了驱逐出境，这主要是因为 法国基督教 协助。战前在法国的 330,000 万犹太人中，有 170,000 万留在法国，几乎所有人都在占领期间幸存下来。此外，德国的占领对法国基督徒的破坏性远小于德国在波兰或俄罗斯的存在对当地居民的破坏性。如果我们考虑到二战期间，纳粹所造成的可怕屠杀 日文 在 中文 和 菲律宾人，或 更糟糕的屠杀 由于东方犹太人的数量比法国犹太人的数量多，勒庞的言论并不像人们从媒体上猜测的那样令人愤慨。

当然，它们不是那种 文明国家 应该将某人投入监狱或威胁处以巨额罚款并公开羞辱。

Note, Le Pen’s assertions are also far less questionable as historical statements than the Holocaust-denial that they are imagined to illustrate. They should not be compared to those greatly reduced figures for the Holocaust that were 相关 with British historian David Irving, before his recent arrest and incarceration in anti-fascist 奥地利。 This comparison is worth making, despite the fact that Irving’s fate for his politically incorrect history was both outrageous and typical. It was outrageous, given the self-promotion of Western “自由民主国家“ which have become controlled hothouses of politically correct opinion. And this jailing of an aged scholar for his historical judgment made in a different country at a different time is all too typical.

Such facts are, not surprisingly, the stuff of my last two books ,多元文化主义与罪恶政治 和 马克思主义的奇怪死亡, both of which deal with the political victory of political correctness.

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What I argue in both—but more explicitly in my last book—is that the victory of 多元文化 在里面 ”Western democracies” has given rise to a totalitarian domination as loathsome and intrusive as the real Marxist-Leninism that it is replacing. Whether it goes by the name of multiculturalism, sensitivity-training, or 文化马克思主义, this combination of ideas and sentiments has taken over Western administrative states and their cultural industry.

There is no way of combating this danger, save for an angry mass rejection of what the destroyer preaches, and a disempowering of the mind-snatching states that impose “公差“ by force and through 公共教育。 移民与签证 from the non-Western world and particularly of 穆斯林，现在是谁 流 into Western and Central Europe, has been a tool for breaking down the pitifully little that remains of Western social and cultural authorities.

My books try to understand immigration expansionists for what they are. Not all of them are misguided fools. Many of them dislike or fear what Western societies were and did in the past, and have set out to reconstruct it by supplanting its old core population. Others of those who are now engaged in this enterprise are, of course, 有用的白痴. Here, one thinks of the leadership of the Republican Party, who seem to be reaching out in the 方向错误 even strategically, as Steve Sailer points out, by joining the vanguard of the immigration expansionists.

But the effect of such politics, no matter what the motivation, is to aggravate the trend toward cultural breakdown, thereby helping along the multicultural experiment that is now unfolding throughout the West.

The demographic erosion of Western peoples, the war waged by state and culture against inherited structures of authority, and the “celebration of diversity” all belong to the same process of orchestrated change that has contributed to the legal difficulties of Jean Le Pen.

It would be an oversimplification to present his problems exclusively as the result of Gallic chutzpah, the return of French Communism, or the never-ending parade of Jewish special pleaders who are eager to flail Christian countries for Nazi crimes.

My works try to contextualize such a development, and I apologize for the discomfort that they might cause movement conservatives who bother to read them. Like the majority of the opinion-makers here and in Europe, these “缓和” conservatives and Republican cheering galleries are on the wrong side of the real cultural war.

As my late friend 山姆·弗朗西斯 never tired of pointing out, the 愚蠢的派对 may have become an even greater obstacle to Western survival 比 evil party it formally opposes.

保罗·格特弗里德 是宾夕法尼亚州伊丽莎白敦学院的人文教授。 他是的作者 自由主义之后, 多元文化主义与罪恶政治 和 马克思主义的奇怪死亡.