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麦克斯韦家族企业:间谍活动
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January 5th, 2015: Ghislaine Maxwell is spotted leaving her apartment in New York City and walks to a office building in New York City.

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吉斯莱恩·麦克斯韦(Ghislaine Maxwell)并不是唯一继续继续其父亲有争议的情报工作的麦克斯韦兄弟姐妹,其他兄弟姐妹则是专门为罗伯特·麦克斯韦(Robert Maxwell)在PROMIS软件丑闻及随后的相关高科技间谍活动中的重要作用担负重任。

许多人惊讶地得知本月早些时候,自从爱泼斯坦被捕及随后的“自杀”事件以来,杰弗里·爱泼斯坦与情报相关的性敲诈行动的主要同谋吉斯兰·麦克斯韦就一直躲藏在新英格兰。 当然,她最近的被捕使人们重新关注了爱泼斯坦的丑闻以及吉斯莱恩与整个行动的联系,在其中她发挥了核心和至关重要的作用,可以说比爱泼斯坦本人还要重要。

吉斯莱恩原为 首次报道 将于14月XNUMX日住在据称男友Scott Borgeson的豪宅中的新英格兰th 去年尽管人们认为麦克斯韦尔一直待在那儿,直到购买了她被捕的新罕布什尔州附近的房屋为止,但当她于15月XNUMX日一天之后,立即将她在东海岸的存在转移到了西海岸,并引起了轰动。th, 练习 纽约邮报 发表了一张据称描绘麦克斯韦在加利福尼亚洛杉矶的In-N-Out Burger读一本有关“ CIA特工”的书的照片。 照片是 后来透露 曾被伪造成照片并伪造,但最终达到了分散她在新英格兰的实际位置的目的。

当媒体疯狂地伪造In-N-Out Burger的伪造照片时,Borgeson宅邸附近意外的访客的出现在很大程度上成功掩盖了秘密。 18月XNUMX日th,吉斯莱恩的姐姐克里斯汀 被发现了 距离伯格(Borgeson)的“僻静海滨”房屋仅数英里之遥,将“打包多个行李”装入SUV。 克里斯汀目前在得克萨斯州达拉斯生活和工作,她拒绝评论为什么她要参观据称当时吉斯莱恩躲藏的确切区域。

在麦克斯韦的七个兄弟姐妹中,吉斯莱恩·麦克斯韦无疑在最近几年以及自从1991年涉嫌杀害家庭先祖罗伯特·麦克斯韦以来一直受到媒体的广泛审查。受到尊敬的记者和调查人员记录了与以色列情报机构的联系以及与其他情报机构的链接,包括 赫什戈登·托马斯等等。

自那以后,吉斯莱恩与情报机构的关系就暴露了,因为她在促进杰弗里·爱泼斯坦的性勒索行动中起着至关重要的作用。 她的兄弟姐妹,特别是克里斯蒂娜和她的双胞胎姐姐伊莎贝尔,几乎没有受到关注,尽管他们在以色列情报阵线公司担任高级职务,帮助他们父亲代表以色列进行了最大的间谍活动,出售了臭虫。 PROMIS软件提供给位于该国核武器系统中心的美国国家实验室。

不仅如此,克里斯汀(Christine)和伊莎贝尔(Isabel)后来直接参与了以技术为基础的商业活动,在她与爱普斯坦(Epstein)代表以色列和美国情报部门合作期间,吉斯莱恩直接与吉斯莱恩(Ghislaine)合作,以性勒索计划诱骗美国政治和公众人物涉及未成年人。 当时,吉斯莱因(Ghislaine)在多家报纸上将自己的职业描述为“互联网运营商”。 然后,在这家合资企业以数百万美元的价格出售给竞争对手之后,克里斯汀和伊莎贝尔开始涉足PROMIS软件丑闻的后继者,这两个丑闻分别与美国情报部门和以色列情报部门紧密相关。

吉斯莱恩本人也参与了这些事务,杰弗里·爱泼斯坦(Jeffrey Epstein)首次被捕后也参与了这些事务,因为他们开始求助于美国科技界的知名人士,从硅谷最强大的风险投资公司到最知名的泰坦。 这也与爱泼斯坦对以色列情报相关的科技公司的投资以及他在同一时期声称对知名科技公司的首席执行官们进行了一系列勒索相吻合。

如今,吉斯莱恩(Ghislaine)的名字及其与情报的联系重新回到了媒体领域,详细介绍了这些以技术为中心的间谍活动数十年的历程,以及它们与麦克斯韦姐妹的持久联系,需要对它的关注,因为需要广播现在,真正的麦克斯韦家族企业-间谍活动-比以往任何时候都要强大。

活板门和叛国罪

以色列情报部门在全球范围内进行的最无耻和最成功的行动之一是,毫无疑问,它向世界各国政府,企业以及主要的金融和科学机构出售了一个有漏洞的软件程序。 该软件程序被称为检察官信息管理系统或简称PROMIS,最初是由Inslaw Inc.创建和销售的,Inslaw Inc.是由前国家安全局官员比尔·汉密尔顿(Bill Hamilton)和他的妻子南希(Nancy)创建的公司。

1982年,Inslaw将其革命性的PROMIS软件出租给了美国司法部,然后由罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)最受信任的顾问埃德温·梅斯三世(Edwin Meese III)领导,他后来在2016年大选后继续为唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)提供建议。 该软件的成功实现了以前无法想象的规模上集成单独的数据库和信息分析的能力,最终引起了Rafi Eitan的注意,Rafi Eitan是臭名昭著的传说中的以色列间谍大师和“最具破坏力的间谍在美国历史上是乔纳森·波拉德(Jonathan Pollard)。 当时的Eitan当时是现已解散的以色列情报机构Lekem的负责人,该机构专门研究与科学技术信息和发现有关的间谍活动。

爱丹 第一次学习 来自Earl Brian的PROMIS。 布莱恩(Brian)是罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)的长期合伙人,他以前曾在中央情报局(CIA)从事秘密行动,并在里根(Reagan)担任加州州长时负责里根(Ragan)的医疗保健计划。 布莱恩经常吹牛 昵称 他在监督这项医疗保健计划中获得了“在死者身上走过的人”的称号。 然而,在1982年,布莱恩(Brian)试图建立一个商业帝国,当时的艾格·埃德·梅斯(AG Ed Meese)的妻子是 主要投资者,他是在试图出售伊朗的医疗保健系统时第一次见到Eitan的人。

Brian divulged the efficacy of PROMIS, but – instead of praising its revolutionary approach to data analysis – expressed his frustration that the software enabled U.S. federal investigators to successfully track and target money laundering and other financial crimes. He also expressed frustration that he had been left out of the profits on PROMIS, the development of which he had followed closely for several years.

As their conversation wore on, Eitan and Brian 策划了一个计划 to install a “trapdoor”, today more often referred to as a back door, into the software. They would then market PROMIS throughout the world, providing Israeli intelligence and allied elements of U.S. intelligence with a direct window into the operations of its enemies and allies while also netting Eitan and Brian massive profits for the sale of the software. Brian, of course, would also be able to use PROMIS to circumvent authorities investigating financial crimes.

According to the testimony of ex-Mossad official Ari Ben-Menashe, after a PROMIS was obtained Israel’s military intelligence through direct collusion with the U.S. Department of Justice, Ben-Menashe 联系 an Israeli American programmer living in California on Eitan’s orders. That programmer then planted a “trapdoor” or back door into the software that would allow Lekem covert access to any database connected to a device on which the software was installment.

Once the back door was present, Brian attempted to use his company Hadron Inc to market the bugged PROMIS software around the world, though he first had tried to buy out Inslaw to do so. Unsuccessful, Brian turned to his close friend, then-Attorney General Ed Meese, and the Justice Department then abruptly refused to make the payments to Inslaw that had been stipulated by the contract, essentially using the software for free, which Inslaw claimed to be theft.

Meese’s actions would force Inslaw into bankruptcy and Inslaw subsequently sued the Justice Department, with a US court later finding that the Meese-led department “took, converted, stole” the software through “trickery, fraud and deceit.” With Inslaw out of the way, Brian sold the bugged software to Jordan’s and Iraq’s intelligence services, a major boon for Israel, and to a handful of companies. Despite this, Eitan was unsatisfied with Brian and Hadron and he quickly turned to the person he thought could most effectively market and sell PROMIS to governments of interest all over the world, Robert Maxwell.

First recruited as an asset of Israeli intelligence in the early 1960s, Maxwell’s standing with Israeli intelligence would strengthen considerably beginning in the early 1980s, when he purchased a web of Israeli companies, many of which were official “服务供应商” for the Mossad. One of these companies, a computer firm called Degem, had been used for years to provide cover to Mossad assassins that conducted kidnappings and murders in Latin America and Africa.

Through Degem and other Maxwell-owned companies based in Israel and elsewhere, Maxwell marketed PROMIS so successfully that Israeli intelligence soon had access to the innermost workings of innumerable governments, corporations, banks and intelligence services around the world. Many of Maxwell’s biggest successes came in selling PROMIS to dictators in Eastern Europe, Africa and Latin America. Following the sale and after Maxwell collected a handsome paycheck, PROMIS’ unparalleled ability to track and surveil anything – from cash flows to human movement – were used by these governments to commit financial crimes with greater finesse and used to hunt down and disappear dissidents. Israeli intelligence, of course, watched it all play out in real time.

In Latin America, for instance, Maxwell sold PROMIS to military dictatorships in Chile and Argentina, which were used to facilitate the mass murder that characterized Operation Condor as the friends and families of dissidents and so-called subversives were easily identified using PROMIS. PROMIS was so effective for this purpose that, just days after Maxwell 出售软件 to Guatemala, its US-backed dictatorship rounded up 20,000 “subversives” who were never heard from again. Of course, thanks to the back door in PROMIS, Israeli intelligence knew the identities of Guatemala’s disappeared before the victim’s own families. Israel was also 密切参与 in the arming and training of many of the same Latin American dictatorships that had been sold the bugged PROMIS software.

Though Israeli intelligence found obvious use for the steady stream of sensitive and classified information, their biggest prize was yet to come – top secret government laboratories in the United States. Eitan tasked Maxwell with selling PROMIS to US labs in the Los Alamos complex, including Sandia National Laboratory, which was and is at the core of the US nuclear weapons system. Notably, the eventual sale of PROMIS to these laboratories by Maxwell occurred during the same period in 1984 when Eitan tasked one of Israel’s top experts in nuclear targeting with supervising Jonathan Pollard’s espionage of U.S. nuclear secrets on Israel’s behalf.

In order to plot how he would accomplish such a feat, Maxwell would meet with none other than Henry Kissinger, who told him that – in order to sell PROMIS to these sensitive laboratories – he needed to enlist the services of then-Senator for Texas John Tower, who was the head of the Senates’ Armed Services Committee at the time. Maxwell quickly struck a deal with Tower and then, using Mossad money, paid Tower \$200,000 for his services, which included opening doors – not just to the Los Alamos complex, but also to the Reagan White House. Tower would arrange a trip for Maxwell to travel to Sandia National Laboratory, where he would market PROMIS. Unlike most other PROMIS sales, this one would not be handled by Degem, but a US-based company called Information on Demand.

It is worth noting that, despite Tower’s obvious and treasonous actions with respect to U.S. national security, another long-time “source” of Robert Maxwell, George H.W. Bush, would attempt to nominate Tower to server as U.S. Secretary of Defense. When the Senate refused to confirm Tower, only then did Bush nominate Dick Cheney, who would then head the Pentagon and oversee the U.S.’ role in the First Gulf War. Not long after his failure to secure the nomination as Pentagon chief, Tower died in a suspicious plane crash soon after the equally suspicious death of Robert Maxwell.

Front Companies and FBI Cover-ups

Robert Maxwell 购买 Information on Demand from its founder, Sue Rugge – a former librarian, through the Pergamon Group in 1982 – the very year plans were made by Rafi Eitan and Earl Brian to subvert PROMIS. Its offices were just a few doors down from the home of Isabel Maxwell and her first husband Dale Djerassi, son of the scientist credited with creating the birth control pill.

根据 FBI files obtained by Inslaw Inc. via a FOIA request in the 1990s, San Francisco’s FBI opened an investigation into Information on Demand a year later in October 1983 and subsequently interviewed Rugge about the business and its activities. She told the FBI that the company’s sources “include over 250 computer data bases” and that company uses these to “locate single facts as well as provide answers to complex questions dealing with such areas as comprehensive marketing research, custom data summaries, sophisticated literature searching, current awareness service and global information capability.

One of these databases included Lockheed’s Dialog database and “the Defense Technical Center which is connected to the Department of Defense (DOD) which contains classified information. ” She asserted, however, that the company “has no password for access and further no need for access.” Elsewhere in the document, it notes that Information on Demand claimed not have any access to classified information “to the best of their knowledge” and “includes information concerning government and various available means of tapping government information databases.”

The FBI asked Rugge about one client of the company in particular, whose name and identifying information is redacted in its entirety, but notes that this mysterious client had worked with Information on Demand since at least 1973. Subsequent efforts by Inslaw Inc. and others to learn the identity of the redacted client have been unsuccessful since 1994.

Notably, just one month before the FBI opened an investigation into Information on Demand and interviewed Sue Rugge, another related Maxwell-owned firm, Pergamon International Information Corporation, had sent a letter to then-CIA Director Bill Casey, offering to provide the agency with access to patent databases. The only redacted portion of the letter is the identity of PIIC’s Executive Vice President, who had written the letter to Casey.

After Rugge had been interviewed, FBI interest in Information on Demand peaked soon after in June 1984, when a formal investigation was opened. This took place after two employees of Sandia National Laboratory who worked in technology transfer approached the Bureau over Information on Demand’s efforts to sell PROMIS to the laboratory. Those employees were compelled to contact the FBI after obtaining information from employees of the National Security Agency (NSA) regarding “the purchase of Information on Demand Inc. by one Robert Maxwell, the owner of Pergamon International.” The specific information on this purchase from the NSA is included in the report but redacted in its entirety. Two months later, one of the Sandia employees followed up with the Bureau, suggesting that the NSA and FBI jointly investigate Information on Demand, but was essentially stonewalled and told to take it up with FBI headquarters.

The FBI case file is coded as a foreign counter-intelligence investigation specifically, suggesting that the case was opened because the FBI was made aware of the alleged involvement of a foreign intelligence service in some aspect of Information on Demand’s activities that related specifically to the “dissemination, marketing or sale of computer software systems, including but not limited to the PROMIS computer software product.” It also noted that Maxwell himself had previously been the subject of a “security investigation” conducted by the FBI from 1953 until 1961, the year Maxwell was formally recruited as an Israeli intelligence asset.

In early August 1984, FBI headquarters and other higher-ups in the Ed Meese-led Department of Justice, which itself was complicit in the whole sordid PROMIS affair, ordered the New Mexico office to halt its investigation into Information on Demand, Maxwell and PROMIS. The cover-up, oddly enough, continues today, with the FBI still refusing to release documents pertaining to Robert Maxwell and his role in the PROMIS scandal.

Several months following the shuttering of the FBI investigation into Information on Demand, Robert Maxwell again returned to Sandia National Laboratories in February 1985, signing the contract for the sale of PROMIS and listing himself as President and CEO of Information on Demand. A few months later, he passed that role on to his daughter Christine, who served as the company’s president and CEO up until her father’s death in 1991, according to her résumé. Upon the collapse of his business empire shortly after his demise, which also resulted in the closure of Information on Demand, Christine created a company called Research on Demand that offered similar services and specialized “in Internet- and Big Data analytics-related market studies for companies in the Telecoms.”

In addition, Isabel Maxwell, who lived in close proximity to the company’s offices in Berkely, CA, 告诉 “国土报” that she had also worked for Information on Demand, which she refers to as “her sister’s company,” following her 1989 divorce from Dale Djerassi.

Recreating their Father’s Legacy

After the death of Robert Maxwell, in what most of his family and many of his biographers regard as a murder conducted by Israeli intelligence, his children began to pick up the pieces and sought to rebuild their father’s empire. Of his seven children, five took on different aspects of their father’s vast portfolio.

Kevin and Ian Maxwell took over much of his businesses (and the associated fall-out) and his murky network of interlocking companies, trusts and foundations spread throughout the world. Ghislaine, having already positioned herself in New York at her father’s behest to anchor his efforts to expand his empire and operations into Manhattan, began a sexual blackmail operation on behalf of Israeli intelligence alongside Jeffrey Epstein. Christine and Isabel, however, would take off where Maxwell’s intelligence-linked work with PROMIS and in technology had left off by cashing in on a new revolutionary technology, the Internet.

“We literally were trying to think about how to restart this whole business” that had collapsed after their father’s death, Christine Maxwell 以后会说 of her decision to found, along with her husband Roger Malina, Isabel and Isabel’s then-husband David Hayden, their internet services company – the McKinley Group – in January 1992. Isabel would remember the decision similarly, 告诉 接线 in 1999, that she and her sister had “wanted to circle the wagons and rebuild,” seeing McKinley as “a chance to recreate a bit of their father’s legacy.” In 2000, Isabel would tell 守护者 that her father would “love it [the internet] if he was still here.” “He was very prescient….He’d be in his element, he’d be having a blast, I’m sure he’d be thrilled to know what I’m doing now,” she told the UK-based publication while “throwing back her head and laughing loudly.” Notably, at that time, Isabel was leading Israeli software company with ties to Israeli military intelligence and powerful Israeli political players, including some who had previously worked directly under her father.

It’s not hard to see why Christine and Isabel saw the internet as their chance to expand upon and rebuild upon Robert Maxwell’s “legacy.” As previously mentioned, Christine, right up until her father’s death, had been president and CEO of the Robert Maxwell-owned Israeli intelligence front company, Information on Demand, where Isabel had also worked. Upon his death, Christine had founded a related company called Research on Demand, which specialized in “internet and big data analytics” for telecommunications firms, and would later overlap with the McKinley Group’s work. McKinley began as a directory with a rating system for websites, later transitioning into the Magellan search engine, all of which Isabel Maxwell 告诉 CNET in 1997 were all Christine’s idea.

McKinley created what became known as the Magellan online directory, remembered as “the first site to publish lengthy reviews and ratings of websites.” Magellan’s “value-added content” approach attracted several large corporations, resulting in “major alliances” with AT&T, Time Warner, IBM, Netcom and the Microsoft Network [MSN] that were negotiated by 伊莎贝尔·麦克斯韦(Isabel Maxwell)。 微软与麦金利的主要联盟是在1995年底,当时 微软宣布 that Magellan would power the search option for the company’s MSN service. Time Warner first chose Magellan for its early web portal called Pathfinder and Magellan was on the homepage of the internet browser Netscape for much of the 1990s.

However, McKinley’s fortunes were troubled as its efforts to be the first search engine to go public fell through, igniting 僵持 between Christine Maxwell and Isabel’s husband that also resulted in the company’s 本质上落后 other market leaders both missing the window for a second IPO attempt and lagging behind in adding ad revenue to their business model. Excite, which was later acquired by AskJeeves, 最终买了 the McKinley Group and Magellan for 1.2 million shares of Excite stock in 1996, which was then valued at \$18 million. It was allegedly Isabel Maxwell who made the deal possible, with Excite’s CEO at the time, George Bell, 自称 她一个人挽救了他们对麦金利的购买。

Despite the company’s lackluster end, the Maxwell sisters and other stakeholders in the company, Ghislaine Maxwell among them, not only obtained a multi-million dollar payout from the deal, but also forged close connections with Silicon Valley high-rollers. Upon McKinley/Magellan’s sale, the overt ties of Christine and Isabel Maxwell to intelligence in both the U.S. and Israel would grow considerably.

家庭事务

While the company is often framed as being a venture between Christine and Isabel Maxwell, McKinley Group and Magellan were much more than just the twin sisters’ business. For instance, a November 2003 article in 晚间标准 notes that Christine and Isabel launched the company with considerable help from their brother, Kevin Maxwell who the article described as being “consumed by an overwhelming desire to be his ‘dad reincorporated’” according to confidants. Another 标准晚报 文章 from March 2001 cited report that “Kevin played a major role” in the company’s affairs.

In addition, at the time, “星期日泰晤士报” 注意到 in November 2000 that Ghislaine Maxwell “had a substantial interest in Magellan” and netted a considerable sum following its sale to Excite in 1996. It also noted that Ghislaine, throughout the 1990s, had “been discreetly building up a business empire as opaque as her father’s” and that “she is secretive to the point of paranoia and her business affairs are deeply mysterious.” However, she would nonetheless describe “herself as an ‘internet operator’” even though “her office in Manhattan refuses to confirm even the name or the nature of her business.” A separate article in “苏格兰人” from 2001 also notes that Ghislaine “is extremely secretive about her affairs and describes herself as an internet operator.”

Exactly how involved Ghislaine Maxwell was involved in the McKinley Group and Magellan is unclear, though her decision to describe herself as an “internet operator” and her documented “substantial interest” in the company suggest that it was more than superficial. What is notable, however, is that Ghislaine’s time as an “internet operator” and her business interests in Magellan overlap directly with her time working alongside Jeffrey Epstein in an Israeli intelligence-linked sexual blackmail operation.

During this period of time, Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein frequently had considerable overlap in their finances, with press reports from the time often asking whether Ghislaine’s expenses were paid by Epstein or through her access to the “lost Maxwell millions” that had been hidden in a web of murky, untraceable financial entities and allegedly “disappeared” following his 1991 death.

The latter is certainly a possibility as it was Ghislaine who was the first to walk into her late father’s office on the Lady Ghislaine following his death, where she “shredded all incriminating documents onboard,” according to journalist John Jackson who witnessed the scene. This would likely mean that she was quickly able to distinguish which documents were “incriminating” and was intimately aware of his more unsavory business activities. In addition, prior to his death, Robert Maxwell had provided Ghislaine with a “量身定做” New York corporation called Maxwell Corporate Gifts, of which little is known. The corporation was reportedly intended to aid her in establishing a foothold in New York’s power base for Robert Maxwell’s planned expansion into New York society, a plan first set into motion following his purchase of the 纽约每日新闻.

值得注意的, 一篇文章晚间标准 in 2001 makes an odd comment about a major source of income from Epstein during the 1990s, stating that “has made many millions out of his business links with the likes of Bill Gates, Donald Trump and Ohio billionaire Leslie Wexner, whose trust he runs.” In addition, Epstein victim Maria Farmer 在采访中提到 that she overheard Ghislaine and Epstein discuss Bill Gates as though they knew him well in 1995. However, these mentions of Bill Gates here defies the official narrative about the Epstein-Gates relationship, which claims they first met in 2011.Given the “major alliance” between McKinley/Magellan and Microsoft that was forged in 1995-1996, it is certainly possible that Epstein’s pre-2001 “business links” with Bill Gates were, in fact, related to Ghislaine’s involvement and stake in Magellan. This is also supported by the fact that, as will be shown in Part 2 of this report, Magellan co-founder Isabel Maxwell had a personal relationship with Bill Gates and that he put her subsequent company, Israel-based CommTouch, “在地图上” after a major investment that had been brokered between Gates and Isabel personally. Part 2 will also show how both Isabel and Christine’s overt involvement, with Israeli and U.S. intelligence, respectively, deepened after Magellan was sold to Excite in 1996.

(从重新发布 最后的美国流浪者 经作者或代表的许可)
 
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